Tag: Civil war letters

Research Arsenal Spotlight 51: Henry Chandler Smith 1st New York Mounted Rifles

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Chandler Smith was born in 1838 to Chandler Smith and Electra Marie (Wilcox) Smith of Canaan, New York. His father, Chandler, died in 1861. Henry Chandler Smith enlisted in Company I of the 1st New York Mounted Rifles (also sometimes designated the 7th New York Cavalry) on August 18, 1862.

The 1st New York Mounted Rifles was first formed as a squadron with companies A and B in July, 1861. Companies C and D were mustered in during October, 1861, with further companies following. The final companies, which became I, K, L, and M, were mustered in during August and September of 1862, making over a year of difference between when the first companies mustered in and when the regiment reached full strength. This time difference proved to be very significant later on as will be shown in Henry Chandler Smith’s letters.

The 1st New York Mounted Rifles in Virginia

Recruitment poster for 1st New York Mounted Rifles.
Recruitment poster for 1st New York Mounted Rifles.

Henry Chandler Smith’s letters in our collection begin in 1863. Most are written to his sweetheart, Kate Gertrude Cooke, and to his sisters Isadore and Mary Branch “Branchie.” While in Suffolk, Virginia one June 26, 1863, he wrote about recovering from a recent illness and his belief that the 1st New York Mounted Rifles would soon be moving to Norfolk, Virginia.

“I am feeling first rate now and hope I shall not have any more sickness right away. Mother wanted to know if I bled at the lungs as I did before. Tell her that I did not but in other respects the attack was the same and was well again as soon as when at home though I often thought of Mother and wished she could be here for an hour or so.

We came from South Mills last Tuesday and have been very busy ever since. Suffolk is being evacuated and almost everything is already moved. We have got our things packed and are in readiness to move at any time. Most likely we shall be stationed at Norfolk but you may direct as usual till I send you word. Only be sure to direct in care of Capt. Fairgraves. I have received 2 letters and one paper this week that belonged to a man in Co. C just because his Captain’s name was not on it. It would have made you laugh to have seen the spelling in those letters.”

By the fall of 1863, the 1st New York Mounted Rifles had moved to Williamsburg, Virginia where they faced guerilla attacks, as Henry Chandler Smith detailed in a letter written October 25, 1863.

“There was a scouting party went out last Friday and in the night when they came back within sight of where I was on post a party of guerrillas fired on them and then ran for the woods. The same night three colored soldiers came in who were taken prisoners at the Battle of Winchester.”

On December 31, 1863, Henry Chandler Smith wrote about some rather devastating news for the men of his company and many of the others that had formed at the same time. When the men had enlisted, most believed that they would be serving a shorter term of a year and ten months to match when the older companies would muster out. However, the chaplain brought news that they had instead been enlisted for much longer.

“Our chaplain got back last Saturday and brought rather bad news to us from the War Department. There are not three men in the whole regiment but what were enlisted by Col. Dodge for the term of one year and ten months, and he pledged us his solemn word of honor as a soldier and gentleman that we should be mustered out with the old men but now he turns around and says that he remembers nothing about it so we shall have to stay eighteen months longer. The men were so outraged at being humbugged in this way that Col. Patton (who is now Lieut. Col.) went immediately to Gen. Butler’s Headquarters and under the circumstances got permission to reenlist us for three years or during the war and our time to commence from the first of January 1864. By reenlisting, we stand nearly as good a chance to get home as soon as though we remain as we are for no one can hardly think the war will last for two years longer. The bounties that we get now are the U.S., State, and N.Y. City bounties, amounting in all to nine hundred and fifty dollars. We get a furlough of not less than thirty-five days immediately after being mustered and if I join with the rest, shall be at home without fail in about twenty-five days. I have been humbugged so that I want to make everything sure before I go any further. Our chaplain says that anyone would be foolish in the extreme under the present circumstances who didn’t enlist.”

Henry Chandler Smith in 1864

In 1864 much of Henry Chandler Smith’s correspondence was with Kate Cooke and concerned their blossoming romance. On April 6, 1864, Henry Chandler Smith wrote about a recent dream he had about Kate.

“I don’t know but I ought to tell you what a pleasant dream I had not long ago when I imagined myself at home and while there I “escorted” you to a party and of course enjoyed it in the extreme. Kissed you (I dare not say how many times) and all of ladies present too, and then waked only to hear the disgusting reveille when all my fun was at an end.

Dearest Catharine, I am anxiously looking forward to a time when such imaginations will be realities yet I cannot nor must not be impatient but wait until our Heavenly Father wills it to be so. I know that my absence has made all of my friends a thousand times dearer to me than they were before and I am sure I never loved you before as I have since I have been in the army. I shall commence reading the bible with you next Sunday and hope it will be a great assistance to me as well as a pleasure. I have prayed for you very much lately and trust that we shall meet in the ‘Better Land’ if not on earth.”

Henry Chandler Smith was a religious man and he and Kate often read the same bible verses as a way to be close with each other even while separated many miles. In a letter dated April 18, 1864, Henry Chandler Smith wrote about how religion gave him strength.

“When I was reading the eighth chapter of Romans yesterday, I was very much affected by the precious promises that are found there. I think after all that there is nothing can make us half as happy as religion.”

On May 23, 1864, Henry Chandler Smith wrote from the Headquarters of the 10th Army Corps at Turkey Bend, Virginia where he was stationed quite close to Confederate troops.

“A telegraphic dispatch to General Butler says that General Meade & Lee are engaged again so I expect that we will soon make another move when there will doubtless be a desperate engagement too awful for any woman to witness and I pray that you, dearest, may never be obliged to be very near such times. The enemy’s forts are not over a quarter or half mile from ours and our pickets are not over six rods apart. I can now hear the whistle of the Richmond-Petersburg train so they must have the road repaired again. We have a large number of rifle cannon mounted so that we could throw shells beyond the Petersburg Railroad if we chose. I think that our artillerists could plant one of their guns near our house and after firing three shots, could burst every shell directly on the roof of your house. A week ago Saturday during the fight near the Halfway Hotel, the rebel sharpshooters occupied a large house and were doing fearful execution on our officers & men so a piece of artillery was ordered up and the first shot burst directly in the house and it was instantly in flames.”

Continued Duty in Virginia and North Carolina

Lithograph of New Bern, North Carolina from 1864.
Lithograph of New Bern, North Carolina from 1864 via Wikimedia Commons.

On June 8, 1864, Henry Chandler Smith was at City Point, Virginia which was overall calmer than the previous places he had been, with only the occasional exchange of artillery fire.

“I have very pleasant & easy times here at Col. Plaisted’s when “all is quiet” and by the way, we have not been disturbed only once since Sunday afternoon. About the time when you & Jane were enjoying that pleasant walk, we had an artillery duel (if I may call it by that name). Yesterday the rebs chucked over a few solid shot and since then it has been entirely quiet.”

Just a few days later, Henry Chandler Smith wrote about ongoing preparations to attempt to capture the city of Petersburg, Virginia.

“General Grant arrived here yesterday and his army has been crossing the James on pontoons ever since. I suppose he means to get in the rear of Petersburg. Today we have heard heavy firing in that direction though it has been very [heavy] for several days.”

On July 24, 1864 Henry Chandler Smith wrote from somewhere near Point of Rocks, Virginia about a fatigue party that came under fire.

“There was very heavy firing at Petersburg last night lasting about two hours. I got up and could see a large part of the tragedy. I heard today that it was caused by a fatigue party of ours being sent out to throw up some earthworks.”

By November 13, 1864, Henry Chandler Smith was at New Bern, North Carolina and had fallen rather seriously ill. He wrote to his mother with an unusual amount of detail of his affliction.

“When I recovered from my last turn of chills, I was a going to write pretty often but no sooner that I recovered from the chills than a diarrhea took hold of me & has kept me down so weak that I have kept putting off writing in order to feel better. I am now nearly or quite as well as ever. The severest turn I have ever had for forty-eight hours I run to the sink as many times & the pain I underwent was almost beyond description. From Sunday night until the next Saturday I never took my clothes off. I could do nothing but run, run, run. It was the worst type of diarrhea, nothing passing my bowels but blood & slime. My bowels were so sore occasioned by the pain that it was with difficulty I could move. I had the good luck to be attended by Dr. Holcomb. He tried almost everything but with no effect. At last on yesterday he ordered an opium injection in fifteen minutes, I felt easier & in half an hours time I was entirely free from pain & did not have to go out again until this morning. I took another this morning & have felt first rate all day. It is seven in the evening.”

The final letter by Henry Chandler Smith in our collection was written on December 25, 1864 from Oak Grove Church, Virginia.

“We had a very good Christmas sermon this afternoon but it is astonishing how few of the great army take any interest in religion. I don’t suppose that on an average there is really over one religious man to seventy that are irreligious. Perhaps you will think this strange when so many good Christians (apparently) have joined the army. But as far as I have been able to observe, this is about the ratio to the whole army. Such is the degrading influence of war. I hope & pray, and more, I believe that it will end before next July. I would like to be in the service till it is ended and then I want my discharge forthwith.”

Henry Chandler Smith mustered out on June 12, 1865. On September 13, 1865 he married Catherine “Kate” Cooke. He died in 1882.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Henry Chandler Smith’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like William Walker of the 17th Illinois Infantry and Francis West of the 31st Wisconsin Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 50: William Walker 17th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Walker was born in 1839 to William Hammer Walker and Ann (Harris) Walker of Mason City, Illinois. All of the letters in this collection were written to his brother, James, who worked as a physician.

William Walker enlisted in as a musician in the 17th Illinois Infantry on May 25, 1861. He served in company K, and his cousin, James Philander Walker, was its captain. The letters in this collection were written to William Walker’s brother, James A. Walker.

Departure for Missouri

Photo of Captain James Philander Walker, the cousin of William Walker and captain of Co. K, 17th Illinois Infantry.
Photo of Captain James Philander Walker, the cousin of William Walker and captain of Co. K, 17th Illinois Infantry via Spared & Shared.

William Walker’s letters begin in Peoria, Illinois on May 16, 1861. At that time the regiment was still forming and he was getting acquainted with the life of a soldier. He was also interested in the upcoming election of officers and thought that his cousin, James Philander (J.P.) Walker might be elected major.

“There is lively times here now. There is ten companies here on the ground now — a full regiment. Companies are drilling all over the ground — some in uniform and some not. We are of the not kind. We will elect our regimental officers soon — perhaps today. There is a fair show for Capt. Ross of Fulton Co. for Colonel and some talk of J. P. [Walker] being our Major. I’ll tell you Jim, it’s no fun to be a soldier. There is a strict guard kept now of 100 men and if we bat our eye once, they tell us to halt — and if we repeat it, they call the officer of the guard — and if we do it again, they charge bayonet. Everybody is well, I believe. No very late news.”

On July 21, 1861, William Walker wrote about a train ride through Missouri, which the soldiers spent with their arms ready for any guerillas or bushwhackers that might attempt to attack the train.

“In the morning at 4 o’clock, we struck our tents and moved up in town and got on the cars and such a train I never saw in my life before. Two engines was hitched on and a third went on before to see that all was right and then with a shriek and a jerk and the Gallant 17th was thundering along through the Rebel country of Missouri. It was a ride full of interest. Our train was nearly 400 yards long and the soldiers all [ar]ranged along at an outward face with loaded guns grasped in our hands, peering in the dark woods as we passed looking for the bands of guerrillas that we heard was watching the road. But we was not molested although we saw one company of men in the woods but they fled in terror. It is said our regiment is the first Union band that has escaped being fired on as they passed this way. I guess there is truth in it for the sides of the cars had lots of fresh bullet holes in them.”

In Fredericktown, Missouri, William Walker and the 17th Illinois Infantry encountered the army of General John C. Frémont, which they were very glad to see as William described in a letter  dated August 28, 1861.

“I ate breakfast and laid down in the tent and was soon buried in sleep but was soon aroused up by some of the boys. I went out to the land where nearly all the 17th was gathered and soon beheld the cause of all the noise my ears was nearly deafened with. It was part of Fremont’s army coming up. Oh Jim, it made us feel as only soldiers can feel. Here we had been for a week 30 miles from any Union troops and the sneaking citizens a hinting to us every day that the 17th [Illinois] Regiment would soon be no more — that [Gideon J.] Pillow & [William J.] Hardee would soon cut us to pieces. I tell you, Jim, when we heard the rolling of the drums and saw the head of one column coming through the woods from the direction of Pilot Knob with the old Star Spanged Banner proudly floating in the breeze, then we knew the camels were coming. First came Old Hecker’s Regiment [24th Illinois] — the terror of all evil doers, then the savage 17th [15th] Illinois and Buell’s Battery close behind. They passed on to their camping ground a little the other side of Frederick, then came the Iowa 2nd with M. M. Crocker  (now Colonel) at their head mounted on a cream-colored horse. He presents a fine military appearance. The next was the Iowa 7th, then the 7th Illinois, Col. Curtis commanding. I seen an old Mason City Dickinson in their martial band beating a drum like blazes. Lastly came a company of cavalry 100 strong and the baggage wagons stretching out 2 or 3 miles.

They were about 6,000 strong. Their columns were nearly two hours passing our camp. They are now pitching their tents close by us. They will stay here a day or two and tomorrow we will go on as the advance guard. I do not know our destination.”

The 17th Illinois Infantry at the Battle of Fort Donelson

Illustration of Fort Donelson after it’s capture by A. L. Rawson for Harper’s Weekly.
Illustration of Fort Donelson after it’s capture by A. L. Rawson for Harper’s Weekly via Wikimedia Commons.

The Battle of Fort Donelson was fought from February 11-16, 1862. The Union victory brought General Ulysses S. Grant to national prominence as was the key to further Union advances in Tennessee. On February 20, 1862, William Walker wrote home to his brother about the battle and the role of the 17th Illinois Infantry in the fighting.

“I feel so full of enthusiasm that I must give vent to some of it by writing to you. I cannot give you much of an idea of the big battle in which we were engaged but it was terrible indeed. The enemy had once one hundred cannon playing at us for four days. I thought I had heard nearly all kinds of music but I never heard such music as was played over our heads around Fort Donelson.

Jim, you must not be startled when I tell you my idea of the loss. I speak of both sides. I wrote to Captain and told him I thought the loss on both sides would come up to three thousand. Since then I have been over the field and have heard lots of officers’ opinions in regard to it and I believe that on both sides in killed and wounded will exceed seven thousand. The loss on both sides are about the same. Perhaps the Federal loss was the heaviest. Just think of it. Last Wednesday we attacked the Fort, and this is Wednesday again and there are still poor soldiers laying on the battlefield unburied.

You may want to know how I like fighting. I will only say that I will follow the 17th [Illinois Infantry] to the gates of death but I am in hopes we may never get in such a place as we was last Thursday. Look a here, James, last Thursday 10 minutes after 2 o’clock P.M. until nearly 3 o’clock, we were within 100 yards of the enemy’s entrenchments with two field batteries playing on us all the time besides about 2,000 infantry. They rained a perfect storm of iron hail amongst all the time. Our regiment and the 49th Illinois stood the whole brunt without flinching till we was ordered to fall back under the hill. Almost every tree and bush was cut off and some of our boys was hurt by the falling timber. A bomb shell burst within two feet of [Andrew J.] Bruner and me and flew all over us and tore one man’s gun that was next to us all to pieces. How our company escaped so well, I don’t know without it was owing to our laying so close to the ground.”

William Walker also described some the celebration after the fort was capture as well as some of the souvenirs he took from the fort.

“This is a lovely place now. Our camp stretches for miles up and down the river. It was worth a lifetime to see the State of Illinois marching into Fort Donelson. Our bands came in playing Dixie and then covered it up with Yankee Doodle. The Rebels all had blankets made of fine Brussel’s carpet. They was fixed as well as I ever seen soldiers anywhere. If I had have had any way to have got them home, I could have got a great many things that I would have liked to have had. As it was, I only got a fine English rifled musket (shoots 900 yards) and a big knife of the Mississippi Butcher notoriety and a secesh blanket (having thrown mine away in the fight) and a canteen and some other little things home as mementoes.”

William Walker Serves as Cook

In the spring of 1862, William Walker came down with chronic diarrhea. He received a discharge for disability on April 24, 1862 and returned home. However, this was not the end of his service to the union cause. After some time recovering, he took a job as a civilian cook for the officers at the headquarters of the 85th Illinois Infantry. Like the 17th Illinois, the 85th Illinois Infantry had many soldiers from William Walker’s home town of Mason City. His cousin, James Philander Walker, was also the lieutenant colonel of the regiment.

On July 26, 1863, William Walker wrote from Nashville, Tennessee and described the difficult conditions in the south, especially regarding having adequate food.

“I went to Murfreesboro and just before starting back an old citizen came to me and asked me for a little salt that was left lying on the table where we had eaten our dinner. I told him he could have it as our people was not so badly spoilt as to be saving of salt. He said it cost them one dollar a pound. I told him it cost us two cents in America. Can Copperheads ask which side the war affects. I went in to prisons at Murfreesboro and I speak truth when I say that I saw no one that expressed a wish to fight us longer. The time draws near. The end approaches. The giant skeleton of starvation is stalking through the South with fearful strides. They know it. We see it on every hand. I pity the women and children. Nearly the last ear of corn is off the crib. The pig sty is empty. The men all gone (thousands will never come back), and the support of the Rebellion, the hope upon which all their affections were centered.”

After the war, William Walker married Margaret “Maggie” Montross in 1869. The couple later moved to Los Galos, California where William Walker worked as printer. He died on November 29, 1907.

We’d like to thank William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you want to read more of William Walker’s letters, or access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

Check out more about our recent featured collections, like Francis West of the 31st Wisconsin Infantry and Joseph Vaill of the 8th Connecticut Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 49: Francis West 31st Wisconsin Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Francis West was born in 1825 in Charlestown, New Hampshire. He moved to Wisconsin in 1845 and served in the Wisconsin State Senate representing Green County in 1854 and 1855. In August, 1862, he was commissioned as lieutenant colonel of the 31st Wisconsin Infantry. During his service he wrote many letters home to his wife, Emma Moore (Rittenhouse) West.

Francis Henry West wrote a great many letters home throughout the war. For this spotlight feature we’ll focus on those written in 1863 while the 31st Wisconsin Infantry was stationed in Columbus, Kentucky.

31st Wisconsin Infantry in Columbus, Kentucky

Engraving of Francis West.
Engraving of Francis West via Wikimedia Commons.

The journey of the 31st Wisconsin Infantry to Kentucky began on a tragic note, as Francis West wrote in a letter dated March 4, 1863.

“We left Racine Sunday morning and arrived Cairo on Tuesday morning all right except the loss of one man’s leg who was run over by the cars. His name is [Joshua] Davis and he belongs to Capt. [Robert B.] Stephenson’s Co. Davis on Dr. Roster’s farm. His leg was amputated and he was left at Centralia.”

Once at Columbus, the 31st Wisconsin Infantry received repeated reports about rebel forces in the vicinity, but very few of them panned out.

“Night before last it was reported that a large force were attacking Hickman twenty miles from here. I was ordered to have my men ready with ammunition and rations to start on a moment’s notice for the scene of action. I got them ready and have held them so since, but have had no orders to leave. I think it all a false alarm.”

Francis West also voiced irritation with the colonel of regiment, Isaac E. Messmore, who he described in a letter written April 5, 1863.

“I am very unpleasantly situated in this regiment owing the peculiarities of our Colonel [Isaac E. Messmore] but I have stood it so far and am in hopes I can continue to stand it. He has the ambition of a Napoleon with ten times the jealousy that Old Dr. Fisher ever had, together with the most sordid avarice. He is perfectly unscrupulous as to means used to further his interests and entirely devoid of all feeling as to the rights or feelings of others. You can judge by this that I have a hard row to hoe. This, however, is all private matter but I cannot help, my dear one, of apprising you of all my troubles.”

Tension between the two men would continue for some time.

Francis West asks his Wife to Visit

In May, 1863 Francis West began hoping that his wife would come down to Kentucky to stay for him a bit. On May 13, 1863, Francis West wrote about his new quarters and mentioned that several other officers’ wives had come to stay, though he appeared to have mixed feelings about his wife, Emma, coming down as well.

“I am moving my quarters today into a couple of quite comfortable log houses. If it were not for the fleas, mosquitoes, heat, dust, and various other annoyances, I should be in favor of your coming down here. As it is, you are certainly much better off at home although it would be a great comfort to me to have you here. There are seven or eight of the officers’ wives here but it is rather a sorry place for them to stay.”

Just a few days later, on May 18, 1863, Francis West was much more enthusiastic about Emma coming to visit.

“As I was eating breakfast this morning thinking what a pleasant house I had, I made up my mind that I must send for you. Just then an orderly came in with your very kind letter of the 10th in which you say you wish to come. You must stay here at least three or four weeks. If Mary will keep house for you, everything will go on just as well as though you were at home. The only trouble will be that you will get sick and tired of staying in this God-forsaken place before you have been here three days and I shall not enjoy your visit so much as I otherwise should knowing how sick you are. Some of the ladies here ride on horse back and some take rides out into the country in ambulances (a kind of stage) and I suppose manage to kill time some way.

Mrs. Capt. Burdick with two little children stops next door to me. The log huts are all close together and there is not a spear of grass to be seen from one of them. I have one large square room for office and sleeping room, and a room across the street for a dining room with a cook and wash room attached. Here my ostler and his wife—a very nice young woman from Darlington—stop, she doing the cooking and washing.

I do not want you to bring any of the children with you. You cannot bring any more than baggage enough for yourself and I want you relieved from all care of children once just to see how it will seem.”

Emma’s reply was not what Francis West wanted to hear, and on May 24, 1863 he wrote another letter expressing his sadness at her refusal to come visit.

“I have just received your very cool reply to my letter of invitation to you to come down here and am very much disheartened that you are not coming immediately to see me. You say you do not know as you have given me any encouragement that you would come. I will give an exact quotation from your letter which I certainly took as encouragement, “If you cannot come home, I must come and see you.” It is quite certain that I shall not be able to go home until after the war. We have not got long to live anyway and we might as well enjoy ourselves as much as possible while we do live. And I know of nothing that would afford me so much pleasure as a visit from the person that I love more than all the world. Besides, I had taken a great deal of pains and got everything fixed up as nice as possible to make your visit pleasant. And I am so disappointed that you are not coming.”

Evidently Emma changed her mind about visiting, because there is a pause in their correspondence until June 18, 1863 when Francis West writes  that he was glad to hear about her safe arrival home.

Skirmishes in Kentucky

Photograph of Colonel Isaac Messmore from his obituary in 1902
Photograph of Colonel Isaac Messmore from his obituary in 1902 via Wikimedia Commons.

In the same letter written on June 18, 1863, Francis West also revealed that the colonel of the 31st Wisconsin Infantry had gone to Washington and that there was a rumor of a large Confederate presence in the area.

“The rebel generals Forrest and Cheatham are supposed to be advancing on us with a large force. I think they will have a merry time of it before they take us. I have no idea myself that they will try it at present but the general thinks they are sure to. Day before yesterday we sent out 20 of our regiment in cars to make a reconnaissance. When they had proceeded some distance, the train was fired upon by a large force when the engineer immediately took the back track. Not one of our men was hit. They returned the fire and saw some of the rebels fall. Yesterday we sent Companies B & E (Stephenson’s and Mason’s) but they saw no enemy. The cavalry that were sent out while you were here have been repulsed on the Tennessee river with what loss we have not learned. It seems a little more like war here than it did, though not enough to suit most of us yet.”

Small skirmishes continued though the 31st Wisconsin failed to meet any large forces as Francis West detailed in a letter written on June 27, 1863.

“It has rained nearly all the time for a week. I wish you had some of it in Wisconsin. Everything is very quiet here just now. We sent another expedition out to look for rebels day before yesterday but they all “skedaddled” on the approach of our boys. They ascertained that our boys of the first expedition in returning their fire killed a captain and one man of the rebel party.”

On July 4, 1863 Francis West told his wife that an expedition of the 4th Missouri Cavalry suffered heavy losses.

“The expedition that left from the 4th Mo. Cavalry when you were here has been “gobbled up” together with the Lt. Col. commanding. They were defeated on the ‘Big Obion’ with a loss of one hundred and fifty in killed, wounded, and missing.”

The 4th Missouri Cavalry suffered additional losses a few days later and the 31st Wisconsin Infantry was in high readiness for an attack, as Francis West described in a letter from July 10.

“The general sent up to the Fort this morning to have every man ‘fall in’ instantly. I was sick in bed but jumped out and had the long roll sounded and the men in fighting shape in short order. I was really in hopes we were going to have a “little brush” at last but was disappointed. The enemy not showing themselves, the 32nd Iowa were sent out to look for them and have not returned yet. We understand the Rebs have gobbled up two more companies of the 4th Missouri Cavalry. I wish they would let me after them with the 31st. I feel first rate since there was a prospect of a fight. It did me more good than a dose of medicine. I don’t think, however, that there is the slightest probability that they will attack this place.”

On July 19, 1863, Francis West reiterated that there seemed to be no large force of Confederates in the area, but persistent raiding by guerillas left the situation dangerous.

“There are just rebels enough a raiding around here to keep the general scared to death without being enough so that we can corner them and get up any fight. They are well mounted and in this timbered country it is impossible for infantry to catch them. They simply prowl around and “gobble” any small squad they can find away from the main force.”

The 31st Wisconsin Infantry remained in Columbus, Kentucky until October, 1863. By that time Colonel Messmore had been forced to resign and Francis West was promoted to colonel of the regiment.

Francis West served through the end of the war and was made a brevet brigadier general in March, 1866. He died in 1896.

To read more of Francis West’s letters, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Joseph Vaill of the 8th Connecticut Infantry and William Heldman of the 17th Missouri Infantry.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 48: Joseph Vaill 8th Connecticut Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Joseph Vaill was born in 1837 to Reverend Herman Landon Vaill and Flora (Gold) Vaill of Litchfield, Connecticut. Joseph’s brother, Theodore, severed in the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery and wrote the regimental history of it after the war. A group of 26 letters written by Theodore are also part of the Research Arsenal Collection.

Joseph Vaill served in the 8th Connecticut Infantry and later as clerk in the quartermaster’s office of the 1st Brigade, 3rd Division of the 25th Corps.

The 8th Connecticut Infantry at Roanoke

Image of Joseph Vaill of the 8th Connecticut Infantry
Image of Joseph Vaill of the 8th Connecticut Infantry via Findagrave.com

Joseph’s letters in the Research Arsenal collection begin with him on board the steam ship “Admiral” which was captained by his cousin, Edward “Ned” Vaill. In a letter  written on December 14, 1861, Joseph mentions writing from the stateroom of the “Admiral” which was currently transporting men from the 24th Massachusetts Infantry. It was not clear from the letter how Joseph Vaill ended up on the ship with his cousin, but he was evidently returning to his regiment.

On February 9, 1862, Joseph Vaill wrote to his father from Roanoke Island and gave a lengthy account of the recent battle there. Joseph began by recounting the bombardment of the Confederate fortifications on the island while he was on board the ship “Sentinel” with the rest of the 8th Connecticut Infantry.

“On Wednesday morning the 5th, we weighed anchor and brought up the rear of the fleet. We were on the Propeller “Sentinel” carrying 4 guns and being in the 3rd Brigade, were ordered to the rear as guard. The weather was fine but rather cool and it was thought that we would reach our destination by 4 P. M. and have warm work before sundown. But our boys were in good spirits and every man was ready to do his duty. At about 4 or 5 P. M. we dropped anchor in the rear of the fleet and about 10 miles from the island. The weather came on thick at evening with rain. The Sentinel and Chasseur were put back about a mile to guard the fleet in the rear and several small gunboats sent ahead to sound and reconnoiter.

The next morning we did not move but the small boats were in advance to lookout the ground. Friday morning the 7th orders were to move on and so we did—the gunboats in the advance. At about 10 A. M., we saw smoke several miles up the channel which we took to be from the enemy on shore. For an hour or so, firing commenced in earnest from our gunboats and was answered quite rapidly from a fort on shore and by rebel gunboats above the fort. The rebels had previously obstructed the channels by driving in spiles so that our gunboats could not go by the fort without passing directly under the fort. During the whole afternoon the firing was continual by our vessels and answered less rapidly as the day wore on. A dense cloud of black smoke told us that the fort was on fire.”

The Sentinel was held back from the main fight, but late on the night of February 7, the 8th Connecticut Infantry was put ashore on the island. As this was the first time most of the regiment had seen any fighting, the men were a bit jumpy.

“At 11 P. M. we lay down upon a sandy cornfield about 100 rods from shore. There must have been 10,000 men on the field before 12 midnight. We lay down on our rubber blankets two together so had one rubber blanket over us which we very much needed for it soon began to rain and kept it up nearly all night. We got wet some but made the best of it for we were in an enemy’s country, and the enemy near us. It was raining some when we got up in the morning and before we had a chance to think of breakfast and before all of the men were out from under their blankets, we were startled by several shots from our pickets who were not more than 80 rods from us and the order was, “Fall in!” We had the order hundreds of times before but under very different circumstances. The rush for guns may be ‘imagined but not described.’ We were soon in line just as the firing from the pickets ceased. We were ordered to stack arms. You may consider that there was some little excitement for it was the first time the most of us were ever invited to face death on the battlefield.

At 7:30 the 1st Brigade left the field for a march to the interior to attack the battery discovered the night before. At 8:30 we heard rapid firing of musketry and an occasional field piece or gun from the battery. Regiment after regiment were ordered out from time to time and the firing was kept up with little cessation till 11 A. M. when Hawkins Zouaves (9th N. Y. V.) charged upon the battery and carried it at the point of the bayonet with a loss of only one killed and five wounded. Other regiments had stood and fired at the battery and had lost quite severely—among them one or two Massachusetts regiments. Several regiments were ordered to make an advance on the battery which lay across a terrible swamp but after making the attempt, fell back till the 10th Connecticut were ordered on and went through with a heavy loss—Col. Russell being among the killed.

The enemy were put on the run, our troops close upon them. I believe all the regiments with the expedition were ordered on except the 8th which was held in reserve under arms all day in order to cover the retreat of our troops in case they were driven back. We were in readiness to march to the battlefield at any hour. The regiments that went out into the fight and chase yesterday have not returned as yet but we learned this morning that they had taken between 2 and 3 thousand prisoners—among them Gov. Wise of Virginia, and O[badiah] Jennings Wise who it is reported was shot this morning while attempting to escape. Of course we cannot tell how much to believe as there are all sorts of reports. But it is very plain we have done a great work although our loss is quite heavy—probably nearly 50 killed and wounded. Our boys are all very well but are not able to write on account of the scarcity of paper. Our knapsacks being left onboard the boats. But their friends need not be alarmed about them for they are all well.”

Contrary the rumor about Governor Henry Wise being taken prisoner, he was in fact ill during the Battle of Roanoke and was not captured. His son, Obediah Jennings Wise of the 46th Virginia Infantry, was killed in the battle.

Joseph Vaill at Knight General Hospital

Knight U.S. General Hospital where Joseph Vaill stayed and worked. It later became the Yale New Haven Hospital.
Knight U.S. General Hospital where Joseph Vaill stayed and worked. It later became the Yale New Haven Hospital via Spared & Shared.

There is a gap of letters in our collection covering most of 1862 and 1863. The letters resume in 1864 with Joseph Vaill in the hospital. In the intervening time he had been promoted to Quartermaster Sergeant on May 28, 1862 and promoted to 1st Sergeant on February 20, 1864. In May of 1864, he transferred to the Veterans Reserve Corps.

On September 5, 1864, Joseph Vaill wrote home from Knight General Hospital in New Haven, Connecticut. In it he discussed his plans to become a clerk for Captain George Mason, Assistant Quartermaster.

“As to my plans, I can only say that they are not fully developed as yet, but there is a prospect of my going to be chief clerk for Captain George W. Mason, A. Q. M., as he has made me the offer, if he is situated as he expects to be, and as he probably will be. Major [Pliny Adams] Jewett  expects me to remain here but I shall enlighten him tomorrow, and when he finds that I have an offer from Capt. Mason, he will see at once that he will have to dispense with my services as he is only allowed to pay $24 per month with rations & quarter for his help — though I suspect from what Dr. [Levi D.] Wilcoxson told Bill Hull that the Major would increase my pay from the Hospital fund, but he would not think he could to more than $10 per month, I presume, making my pay $34 & board. But that would not do, for I can get $84.00 including rations if with Capt. Mason, and I could board myself for $20 per month, leaving a balance of $60 & +.”

On September 20, 1864, Joseph Vaill was discharged from the service. He remained at the hospital and temporarily took up a position in the quartermaster’s department at the hospital which he detailed in letter written November 29, 1864.

“He [Major. Pliny Adams Jewett] said he would like to have me take charge of the Quartermasters Department and he said he would try Capt. Bullock, the Quartermaster at New Haven, who is responsible for the issue of clothing &c. and perhaps he could get some extra pay for me. I told him I would take all he could get for me, but don’t suppose there is any great probability of my getting anything extra.

Since I took charge of this Department, I have been very busy, but shall not have very much to do after I get caught up. I have a cozy little office all to myself with my bed in it, a little coal stove, and everything comfortable. I have an orderly to make my fire at 6, make my bed, and sweep out while I am at breakfast, and to look after the wants of the office generally.”

Joseph Vaill in the Quartermaster’s Department

Though it took some time, Captain Mason made good of his offer of making Joseph Vaill a clerk under him. On January 4, 1865, Joseph wrote about taking a position in the Assistant Quartermaster’s Office of the 3rd Division of the 25th Corps. His journey there included a surprise stop at the camp of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery, where his brother, Theodore, was currently the adjutant.

“Col. Hodge went with me to the Pro Marshall’s Office to get me a pass to the “front” by railroad and he (Col. H.) went to the 6th Corps Headquarters and I to the 2d Connecticut. I found Charley Hinsdale just about dark in front of the staff quarters and he secreted me until the adjutant started for supper when he said, “Here, Adjutant, do you know this fellow?” whereupon I received the grandest hugging and kissing I ever did from the same sex of myself. I was at once shown to the supper table and introduced to Col. Hubbard, Major Skinner, and Jones, who with Theodore compose the “mess.” I stayed over night and at noon the next day (Tuesday, Jan. 5th) went to the 6th Corps Headquarters to see Willis Gold who is chief clerk at Maj. Mellen’s, Pro. Mar. of the Corps.”

Joseph Vaill also looked forward to the increased pay he would receive as a quartermaster’s clerk.

“As Brigade Quartermaster clerk I find the established rate of pay is $75 per month and one ration per day. For Division clerk, $100 and 1 ration. And Chief Quartermaster Clerk, $125 per month and 1 ration. So that my pay now will be 75 & 1 ration. And when Capt. Mason get a Division, I shall have 100.”

Joseph Vaill continued to serve as a clerk through the end of the war and remained in North Carolina through at least 1866 which is when the letters in our collection stop. After the war he married Cornelia Elizabeth Smith. Joseph Vaill died in 1915.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Joseph Vaill’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like William Heldman of the 17th Missouri Infantry and Halsey Bartlett of the 6th Connecticut Infantry.

 

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 47: William Heldman 17th Missouri Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Frederick William Charles Heldman, (who was carried on rosters as Charles Heldman but signed his letters William Heldman) was an immigrant from Germany who served in Company A of the 17th Missouri Infantry. William Heldman was born in 1840 to Anton Karl Heldmann and Bertha (Falkmann) Heldmann. The family came to the United States in the 1840s. In 1851 William Heldman’s father died and his mother later remarried Eberhard Fuhr.

The 17th Missouri Infantry was also called the “Western Turner Rifles” and was made up of Union supporting German immigrants. William Heldman enlisted in the 17th Missouri Infantry in August, 1861. Previous to that he had served in the 3rd Missouri Infantry, a 90 day regiment formed in April, 1861.

William Heldman and the 3rd Missouri Infantry

Illustration from Harper’s Weekly of the Battle of Carthage.
Illustration from Harper’s Weekly of the Battle of Carthage via Wikimedia Commons.

The 17th Missouri Infantry was formed largely from officers and men that served in the First through Fourth Missouri Infantry regiments. William Heldman’s letters home begin during his time in the 3rd Missouri Infantry. In a letter written on August 13, 1861, William Heldman talked about his experience at the Battle of Carthage fought on July 5, 1861, and most of his company being taken prisoner.

“Sigel found Jackson on a large prairie where he found him with about 5,000 men but they were not very good armed. Sigel attacked one or two o’clock in the evening. We heard the cannons at Neosho and at three o’clock there came a man from Sigel and brought the orders for us to go back and we were all ready to go [when] there came about 1,500 secessionists from Arkansas and Texas commanded by General McCulloch.

We were all in the Court House where we had our place to stay. As soon as we seen them come, we knocked [out] all the windows and shut the doors, [and] got ready to shoot through the windows. The secessionists stopped and two men came up to the fence with a white handkerchief and asked our Captain to surrender and our Captain came in to us and told us. We told him we would sooner die. Our Captain told us we could not fight against so many and our Captain asked them if they would treat us just [if] we would surrender to them and they promised by their honor and so we give up. They kept us three days and then we had 85 miles to go without anything to eat.  We got back to St. Louis and we have been here a good while waiting for our money and our discharge but I think we will soon get it.”

Soon after his return to St. Louis, William Heldman, along with many men of his regiment, joined the 17th Missouri Infantry.

Fighting in Missouri and Arkansas

The 17th Missouri Infantry fought throughout Missouri and Arkansas in fall of 1861 through summer 1862. On October 5, 1861, William wrote  about some recent skirmishing near Sedalia, Missouri.

“We have left St. Louis and we are in a little town called Sedalia. We have to wait for a battle every day. Yesterday our pickets had a fight. We lost one man. How many the enemy lost, we do not know but we are not afraid now for we have a good many soldiers up here now. The enemy entirely surrendered. The only got one way about 40 miles to get out. We took three prisoners last night and they had hardly any clothes on and they said that the whole army was the same way.”

On March 1, 1862, William was writing  from Osage, Arkansas when he detailed the 17th Missouri Infantry’s pursuit of the Confederate forces under the command of General Sterling Price.

“At two o’clock we started in pursuit of Price. We had a hard time then. We had to march very hard. We marched ten miles without stopping and without cooking, but we could not catch Price. General [Jefferson C.] Davis took another road and got to chase Price’s rear guard and he fired two cannon shells at the men and killed 7 men and wounded many and they galloped away.

The next day we marched too Cassville. About 10 miles behind Cassville, our cavalry had a fight. They took 60 prisoners and killed a good many. Our cavalry was always close behind Price and our flying batteries troubled him a great deal. We has 12 from our cavalry called flying batteries. We marched from Cassville and marched to the Arkansas line. Near the line is very high mountains and the valley is so small—just wide enough for the road.

The next day we had a fight at [Little] Sugar Creek and that was the last was seen of him. We lost 15 men killed and 5 wounded.”

The fighting in Arkansas was quite gruesome, and William Heldman detailed the horrific treatment of a captured Union soldier by guerillas in a letter dated July 18, 1862.

“You have not heard of us for a long time for we have been traveling around in the wilderness of Arkansas. We had to fight with miserable robber [guerrilla] bands most every day. General Steele’s troops had a fight with them. They killed 130 of them. How many they wounded I do not know for they took them all along. Our men lost 17 killed and 42 wounded. The secesh took one of our men prisoner and they took him and tied his arms behind him around a tree and then they cut his arms off in the shoulder and give him 7 shots in the lower part of his body. Who would save the life of any such a miserable being?”

The 17th Missouri Infantry at Vicksburg

Confederate fortifications at the rear of Vicksburg, Mississippi.
Confederate fortifications at the rear of Vicksburg, Mississippi.

William Heldmen’s brother, Theodore, enlisted in the 17th Missouri Infantry in the fall of 1862. Unfortunately, he was soon taken ill and discharged for disability. In January, 1863, the 17th Missouri Infantry began fighting around Vicksburg. On January 15, 1863, William Heldman wrote to his brother about the recent battles.

“We have had two battles since we left Camp Steele. The first near Vicksburg and the second one at Arkansas Post. We took about 600 prisoners on that place and a good many cannons. Our regiment was in the hottest fire all day. I used 80 cartridges in about two hours but we did not lose many men. Our company did not lose any this last time though we were in a hotter fire than at Vicksburg. Our regiment lost 3 killed and about 10 wounded.

The bombardment at that place [Arkansas Post] was awful. The whole fort was tore to pieces. The men on it were nearly all dead or wounded. There were 125 artillery men in it and only 20 were left when they surrendered.

At Vicksburg we had to go back without gaining anything. Our company lost five men there—one killed and four wounded. Two of our recruits were wounded. You do not know them but the others you know. [Julius] Zinzer is dead and [Fred] Klingel and [William] Rascher are wounded. This place [Vicksburg] is very hard to take. We are just now going down to try again.”

Taking Vicksburg did indeed prove to be long and difficult task. On March 6, 1863, William Heldman wrote about information he had received from German deserters from Confederate forces.

“There are deserters coming from Vicksburg most every day. They are all Germans. I have talked to one for a long time. He told me that they had to suffer a great deal of hunger. They get only three-quarters of a pound of bacon a week, half a pound of cornbread a day. They don’t know how coffee looks any more. Sugar they have plenty of it and molasses too. Salt is very scarce. They cannot get anything across the river anymore now.”

Another letter from June 20, 1863 details the ongoing Siege of Vicksburg and the increasingly difficult position of the Confederate forces.

“We are still in our old place near the river above the city on the right wing. I believe they will soon surrender now. Deserters come over most every night. They all belong to Tennessee regiments. They say they get something to eat once a day. We have got them penned up this time. They can never get out of that place if we won’t let them. Let them attack us in the rear. They will burn their nose if they do. We have got men enough to keep them off. The country is so hilly and rough so that fifty thousand men can keep of a hundred thousand rebels.

It would have been very hard for us to get to where we are if they would have had any of their field artillery left [that] they had out at Black River. They brought 60 cannons from Vicksburg out there. After the battle of Black River Bridge, they had 3 left. The rest we took away from them. They were all scattered and everyone ran for his life to Vicksburg and here we now are.

When we first came here, we had to fight pretty hard. Now we have not much to do. The first day me and [Theodore] Wiegreffe kept a heavy battery from shooting half a day. We crawled up to it in about a hundred yards ad did not let them load their cannons. But the rest of our company would not come there—not a single one of them. The whole company likes us very much for that. The second day I went to the same place and fired about 200 shots. The next night they moved the battery away from that place. Our cannons are all at work today but they do not answer a single shot on this side. The ground is trembling under our feet so hard is the cannonading. Right now one of their large forts is on fire inside right before us on the hill. The powder magazine blowed up just now. Our cannons throw in about 500 shells an hour all around the line.”

On July 4, 1863, the Union army finally took control of Vicksburg. William Heldman survived the war and married Anna Therese Mathilde Summa in 1874. He died in 1912.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of William Heldman’s 41 letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Halsey Bartlett of the 6th Connecticut Infantry and Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry.

 

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 46: Halsey Bartlett 6th Connecticut Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Halsey Bartlett was born in 1831 to Richard Bartlett and Christina S. (Fisher) Bartlett of Killingly, Connecticut. He enlisted in Company A, 6th Connecticut Infantry on September 3, 1861. Most of his letters were written to his mother and to his sister, Christina Bartlett.

Halsey Bartlett at Hilton Head, South Carolina

Photo of Fort Wallace, Hilton Head taken after the Battle of Port Royal in November, 1861.
Photo of Fort Wallace, Hilton Head taken after the Battle of Port Royal in November, 1861. Halsey Bartlett mentions the battle briefly in one of his letters.

On January 6, 1862, Halsey Bartlett wrote to his mother from Hilton Head, South Carolina. In it he described the recent Battle of Port Royal.

“There was a smart battle on the opposite shore on the other side of this island. Our troops gained the victory by taking the fort at the head of Hilton Head Bay and 10 field pieces of artillery (brass) and 3 Columbiads with a loss of 17 men on our side and (80) eighty on the other side. Our regiment was not in the battle. After which our troops followed them up to Bluffton and they had another fight which was in our favor. Our troops followed them to a creek where they could not get away and they had to surrender. They raised the flag of truce and we took seven hundred prisoners with a great loss of lives on both sides. Our loss was small compared to the other side. We expected to go to the fight with them. Our regiment was called into line of battle on New Years Day. The orders were to be in readiness to march at any moment, but we did not go for the order was countermanded and we returned to our quarters. Our boys are anxious to go into battle.”

The 6th Connecticut Infantry remained in South Carolina for quite some time. In August, 1862, the regiment saw its beloved Lieutenant Colonel William G. Ely leave to accept the position of colonel in the 14th Connecticut Infantry. In a letter written on August 4, 1862, Halsey Bartlett described the gift made to the departing colonel from the regiment.

“Lieutenant Colonel Ely of our regiment has been promoted to Colonel of the Fourteenth Connecticut Regiment. He went from here to take his command yesterday. Col. Ely was a nice man. He was a gentleman in every respect. Our regiment — or most of them — miss him. as a soldier he is fitted for the post which has been assigned to him. Major [John] Speidel is to take his place. He too is a gentleman in every respect. Don’t know who will be major of this regiment but think Captain Tracy of Company G will take his place. He is a good man and fully competent for the post. Our company in respect and for the love we had for Col. Ely subscribed seventy dollars towards getting a sword on which will be engraved, ‘Presented by the Soldiers of Windham County in Company A, 6th Reg. Conn. Vol. to Col. Wm. G. Ely for the respect they showed him as a Soldier and a Gentleman. Arnold Leach, Captain Commanding.’ I gave one dollar towards the sword.”

6th Connecticut Infantry in Beaufort

The 6th Connecticut Infantry remained at Beaufort, South Carolina for several months, making it their winter quarters. On November 20, 1862, Halsey Bartlett wrote home with an account of a man in Company C being drummed out of the regiment for cowardice.

“There is one of the soldiers belonging to Co. C to be drummed out of this regiment tomorrow for cowardice in the late [Second] Battle at Pocotaligo. He, when [near where] the battle was, heard the first gun from the Secesh and it scared him so he run and left the ranks. He said he was not going to have his brains blowed out. He was taken and court martialed and sentenced to have head head shaved and drummed out of the regiment. Oh what a disgrace to him. But he will get home. I would not disgrace myself so for all the world.”

There continued to be small skirmishes, as Halsey Bartlett recounted in a letter dated December 1, 1862.

“A party of Rebels tried to land at the Capen Plantation where we go on guard but were relieved the trouble by the firing of muskets — a whole company firing on them (two boatloads of the Rebels some thirty in number) and killing quite a number. They skedaddled and went back as fast as they could. This is the third time they have tried to land but Yankee too much for them.”

Halsey Bartlett wrote about another expedition on January 17, 1863.

“There was an expedition started from here made up of a small force from the several regiments here and Hilton Head. They went down on the coast of Florida to capture a lot of lumber from the Rebels but when going up Nassau River, they were fired at by the Rebels. Our men fired back and by their tell, some of them were killed or wounded. Our men went ashore and found that the Rebels had burned the lumber and they had to go farther down on St. John’s River and get a lot of lumber that was there. They got their lumber and came home. Was gone ten days. Went some ninety miles. Two of the Third Rhode Island boys got killed but none out of our regiments either killed or wounded. I did not go but 20 — twenty — out of our company went.”

The 6th Connecticut Infantry at Fort Wagner

Illustration by Frank Vizetelly of the assault on Fort Wagner.
Illustration by Frank Vizetelly of the assault on Fort Wagner via New York Public Library Digital Collections.

The 6th Connecticut Infantry fought at the Second Battle of Fort Wagner on July 18, 1863. Though the Union was unsuccessful at taking the fort, the role of the 54th Massachusetts Infantry in the fight inspired countless African-American soldiers to enlist. Fort Wagner was ultimately abandoned by Confederate forces in September, 1863.

On August 1, 1863, Halsey Bartlett wrote home about the 6th Connecticut Infantry’s role in the battle.

“But a few days ago I wrote you a small detail of what we were doing on Morris Island and now I will tell you farther of the doings. We left (our regiment) Morris Island night before last and was I not rejoiced to get away. I rather think I was — not that there was anything cowardly on my part but I got sick of hearing so much noise. It was nothing but boom — boom, night and day on both sides and men to the average of four or five per day from some regiment brought down from the deadly missiles of the enemy.

The night of 29 July our regiment had orders to report to Hilton Head immediately and in the night we moved our tents and baggage to the dock at Morris Island and soon it was aboard the General Hunter and all hands aboard, we were ready to proceed on our way to Hilton Head. And here I am. I tell you, it seems more like home to me now. But God has been good in preserving my life until now. Now I am out of danger for awhile. On Morris Island, if I lie down at night to sleep, I knew not whether I should wake up in the morning safe or not for they shelled our camps as much as they could, and to be there was perfect misery. The night we came away, I saw a young soldier belonging to the Eighty-fifth Pennsylvania that was struck by a shell. He had one arm taken off just below the shoulder; the other taken off just below the elbow. Poor man — no hands at all.

The next day after the Battle of the 10th, I took a look on the battlefield, I see some twenty lie dead on the field where the Seventh drove them from their rifle pits while on Morris Island. Our regiment had to go up on picket within fifty yards of the Rebel Battery Wagner. This is the battery I told you about making a charge on July 16. I told you of the casualties in our company. Hugh McShene I spoke of being wounded is dead. The rest is doing well. Hill and Palmer are in Richmond [as] prisoners. Nothing have been heard of Sergeant [Delbert] Hoar and Private [Maxim H.] Sherbeone, both [of] Danielsonville — supposed to be killed.”

Unfortunately, Halsey Bartlett did not survive the war. He was killed at Bermuda Hundred by a sniper on June 17, 1864.

To read more of Hasley Bartlett’s letters, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry and Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 45: Herbert Daniels 7th Rhode Island Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Herbert Daniels was born in 1836 to David Daniels and Nancy (Ballou) Daniels. The letters in this collection begin in 1862 while Herbert Daniels was helping his brother, Percy Daniels, recruit for the 7th Rhode Island Infantry. Herbert enlisted as a private in Company C of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry while Percy was commissioned as captain of Company E. Sometime during the war, Herbert Daniels transferred to Company B.

The letters in this collection were written to Mrs. Salina (Brewster) Waterson, with whom Herbert enjoyed an ongoing romantic relationship.

Recruiting for the 7th Rhode Island Infantry at Camp Bliss

Photo of Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry.
Photo of Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry via Spared & Shared.

Herbert Daniels wrote to Salina on July 1, 1862 and detailed  how he helped approximately eight young recruits get register and come to Camp Bliss, near Providence, Rhode Island.

“Percy came from Woonsocket about the time I got to the office & the first thing we had to do was to find those young soldiers. I found them at last on the wharf at Fox Point about a mile from the office. Then we had to get them examined & sworn & we couldn’t find an officer. For a long time, we tramped around — well, I tell you, Percy & I with 8 soldier boys at our heels for he brought another with him. At last we got it all done just in time for Percy to take the cars but not until after they had started. After he left the office I thought of something I wanted to ask him so I ran after him & saw him get into the last car while it was going. I followed & got into the rear end of the last car just as he went into the next car. I followed him so through the whole train before I caught him. By that time we had got more than a quarter of a mile from the depot but they were not going so fast but that I could jump off & run back.

Then there were more papers to write & sign & questions to be asked & answered & explanations to be made to them about their pay &c. & then a requisition or order to be got for their clothing &c. which had to be copied to the Adjutant General’s office & then to the Quartermaster General’s office &c, & finally to the Clothing Department where they were completely fitted out with everything that a soldier needs (in the way of clothing) including knapsacks, blankets, overcoats, underclothes, & everything. I didn’t get them dressed & their knapsacks packed & strapped upon their backs until nearly 7 o’clock — just in time to take the 7 o’clock omnibus which carried within a half mile of the camp & then we had to march the rest of the way. I stayed at the camp over an hour or more & saw them comfortably established, saw that they got their beds & filled them, & looked out for the little drummer boys who were not sworn in & didn’t get any blankets nor anything. I don’t know why & am going to find out this afternoon. But they got their beds the same as the rest & borrowed all the overcoats they wanted so they would get along well enough for the night. They say they are used to such life having served 9 months in Massachusetts 20th Regiment & were in the Ball’s Bluff fight.”

Herbert Daniels at the Battle of Fredericksburg

The 7th Rhode Island Infantry finished its organization in September, 1862. From there it was sent down to Washington, D.C., before being assigned to the 9th Corps of the Army of the Potomac. In December, 1862, the 7th Rhode Island Infantry fought at the Battle of Fredericksburg. Herbert Daniels wrote a letter on December 14, 1862, telling Salina about the Battle and the regiment’s loss of their lieutenant colonel, Welcome Ballou Sayles.

“There has been a great battle & Percy & I were in it but we were not hurt. The mail is going in a few minutes so I can’t write much. Lieut. [George A.] Wilbur was hit in the leg—not very bad. Mr. [Harris C.] Wright [of Co. B] was badly wounded. I can’t find out whether he is alive or not. He was rather rash, went up with the Colonel to the front while the rest of us were lying down.

Thursday they shelled the city all day but we did nothing but look on. Friday forenoon we entered the city and stayed all day & night until yesterday noon when we went in the field and stayed till dark, lying down behind a hill except when we stood up to fire. The Colonel [Bliss] said the fire was as hot as men were ever exposed to. Only 18 men of our company & 14 of Percy’s could be found at night and yet there was but 1 known to be killed. Not a man in the regiment ran away or flinched. [Lieut.] Col. [Welcome Ballou] Sayles was killed instantly. We shall miss him very much.”

Herbert Daniels and the Battle of the Crater

Image of aftermath of explosion at the Battle of the Crater.
Image of aftermath of explosion at the Battle of the Crater via Wikimedia Commons.

On June 29, 1864, Herbert Daniels’ brother, Percy, was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry. The regiment was part of the Siege of Petersburg and on July 30, 1864, Herbert Daniels begin writing a letter to Salina Waterson at 6 AM. He updated the letter sporadically throughout the day, giving a real time account of the Battle of the Crater.

“6 o’clock Saturday morning [30 July 1864]. The rebellion didn’t get started upward until about 5 o’clock. I was in bed as usual and listening & felt the jar 2 or 3 times & jumped up and looked & saw the column of dirt high above the hill which is between here & there. Then about a hundred cannon opened & I laid down again. I expected some of the rebel shells would come over here but they don’t. I don’t believe the Rebs are doing much. Our guns are still firing as fast as possible.

The troops don’t all charge at once. I believe our Brigade hasn’t gone in yet. They have been all ready though for hours. I soon got up and pretty soon found the Spy of the 26th here in Percy’s tent & went back and laid down & read it & then came back here. I am going to breakfast now.

8 o’clock. The firing continues & shakes the very ground, to say nothing of the hair on our heads even at this distance. Walter is here in Percy’s tent. His whole Corps is around here. I have just heard from our Brigade. It is probably charging now.

Clark had a good breakfast ready—ham, potatoes, bread & butter, chocolate &c. Walter had heard from that Bixby & James & David Daniels. He is reading those Spys & was very glad to get them. [William H.] Folsom is in camp. I see him every day. He doesn’t go into battle. He is a clerk & assists in the hospital sometimes.

10 o’clock. The mail has come bringing me a Providence Evening Press but no letters.

5 P. M. The rebellion still lives. It seems as though this operation was a complete failure. It is said that the Rebs have recovered all they lost which wasn’t much—only that a few guns and men were buried this morning. (I haven’t heard a gun or cannon for some time but just heard what sounded like a small locomotive whizzing over these woods. You will have the particulars of this affair in Monday’s papers & we shall get it Monday night in the Washington Morning & Sunday Chronicle.”

Herbert Daniels continued serving with his regiment until the end of the war. Percy Daniels later became lieutenant governor of Kansas. Herbert first married Elizabeth LaPierre in 1868, but the two divorced five years later. He then married Salina (Brewster) Waterson in 1873 and the two remained married until her death in 1882. Herbert Daniels died in 1888, apparently of starvation, after becoming reclusive and falling destitute, living off of only his six dollar monthly pension.

We’d like to that William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Herbert Daniels’ letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry and Joseph Maitland of the 95th Ohio Infantry.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 44: Kimball Pearsons 10th New York Cavalry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Kimball Pearsons was born in Collins, New York, on October 11, 1831, to Amos and Mary (Bartlett) Pearsons. Amos died in 1850 and Mary died in 1859. Kimball Pearsons married Elizabeth “Betsey” Harris on July 4, 1861. Sadly, Betsey Harris died not long afterward of tuberculosis on June 1, 1862. Her death and Kimball Pearsons’ grief led him to enlisting in the 10th New York Cavalry shortly afterward on August 28, 1862.

Serving alongside Kimball Pearsons in Company L of the 10th New York Cavalry was his close friend Joseph Matthews. Together, Kimball Pearsons and Joseph Matthews sent over a hundred letters back home, mostly to Kimball’s sister, Harriett, and her husband William Press. Also frequently mentioned in the letters are Harriett’s young daughters, Ida and May Press.

Kimball Pearsons at Elmira, New York

Photo of Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry taken in January 1864.
Photo of Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry taken in January 1864.

The 10th New York Cavalry was initially organized at Elmira, New York, on September 27, 1861. However, three additional companies were later organized the following year and it was the eventual Company L that Kimball Pearsons became a part of. Kimball Pearsons’ letters in this collection begin on September 12, 1862 in Elmira where the three new companies were still being organized.

On October 12, 1862, Kimball Pearsons wrote to his sister and gave her a description of how he and the other men passed the time while they waited for their company to obtain the necessary number of recruits.

“Maybe you would like to know how I have passed the day. Well in the first place I got up and washed me in a few minutes, formed in line with the rest for roll call. Then came breakfast then a few 12 or 16 played a game of ball. Then an hour or so of drill then Bela Dexter cut my hair, and I cut his, and Daniel Brown’s, then sat around and lazed around till dinner time. Then we played two games of ball after dinner, drilled an hour and lazed around until supper time. We had Potatoes, beef coffee bread and butter for breakfast, Pork & Beans beef & bread and water for dinner, Pudding and Rice and Milk and Butter for Supper, and this evening I am writing for you. We have dancing in our shanty about every other night. One of our company has a fiddle. Some play Chess some Checkers, some cards some read and some do what they are a mind to every day.”

Kimball Pearsons remained in Elmira until October 30, 1862 when he and the other recruits started south toward Virginia.

Kimball Pearsons at Fredericksburg, Virginia

In December, 1862, the 10th New York Cavalry were at Fredericksburg, Virginia. Kimball Pearsons and the rest of his company were serving as escorts and bodyguards to General William Farrar Smith and his staff. On December 15, 1862, Kimball Pearsons wrote a letter describing the recent fighting.

“Early in the morning we followed Gen. Smith & Staff to within ½ mile of the river and were stationed behind a hill where shells could not hit us. (this was the 11th) Some of our artillery was on the hill in front of us, and Shelled the woods and houses on the other side and our men Succeeded in putting a pontoon bridge across, and after Sundown there was a force of Infantry, Cavalry & Artillery thrown across and established their pickets lines about a mile from the river. This was on the left wing Franklins Grand Division 2 or 3 miles below Fredericksburg. In the latter part of the night and the next day which was the 12th most of the remainder of the troops crossed. There was some Shelling from both sides to day. The right wing which is above Frederick. and the Center at Frederick. also effected a crossing the 12th I commenced acting as Orderly for Capt. Scofield Gen. Smiths Commissary. We rode some 10 or 12 miles back to order up a herd of 160 head of cattle. Then back, and crossed the pontoon bridge to stay at Gen Smiths Head quarters, and directly Gen Burnside and a dozen or more Generals came across & Gen Smith and Staff myself included rode nearly the whole length of our lines, (I mean Franklins Division). This was after sundown, we then camped in a chestnut grove & Capt & I started before light and rode where we did the day before. O! I forgot, last night soon after we crossed the bridge a piece of shell struck within a rod of me.”

Kimball Pearsons continued his description of the battle on Saturday, December 13.

“The Battle raged fiercely all day and I don’t hear whether we [had] very decisive result on either side. At night as we were riding back to Head Quarters when within a mile of the river 8 shells struck close to us the nearest about 4 rods off. The made me scrunch a little. Yesterday and to day I am on the same route as the two days before. Some of our company have been where the bullets & shells flew so thick that they had to lie down. But I don’t hear as any of our company have been hit yet.”

Kimball Pearsons also updated his family about Joseph Matthews who had some close calls during the fight on Sunday.

“There was not much fighting nor there is not much today. Joe stayed on the other side of the river since we first went over yesterday. He said a shell struck within 10 feet of him. Twas in the grove where we slept. He said they flew thick among the tree tops and he and lots more skedaddled behind a stone barn. Joe and I are not together from before light in the morn till after dark at night. Our, or the line of battle must extend some 4 or 6 miles this is my measurement. I have several times been on the hill this side of the river where I could see the whole line of the Rebs are on elevated ground from where our Infantry and Artillery are but we have batteries on the hills on this side of the river which can reach any of their batteries. Frederick. has been shelled and set on fire in several places. The inhabitants all left.”

Continued Fighting by the 10th New York Cavalry

Photo of Harriett (Pearsons) Press and her husband William Press.
Photo of Harriett (Pearsons) Press and her husband William Press.

The 10th New York Cavalry fought in many battles and skirmishes throughout 1863 and 1864, including the Battle of Gettysburg. However it was at the Battle of Haw’s Shop, Virginia, in May, 1864, where Kimball Pearsons said he faced the hardest fighting of the war. He first wrote about  the battle the day after it happened, on May 29, 1864.

“Yesterday the 28th we fought the enemy dismounted in the woods, both Divisions of our cavalry, we were all day fighting in the woods & between 3 & 4 PM we drove them 2 miles then halted & established a line & thew up small abatises (I guess that is the name) of logs & rails to get behind but the rebs did not advance on us again. Our regt lost 11 killed 27 wounded & 3 missing, and 2 Officers wounded making 43 in all. Sergeants John Vail of Collins Centre & — Baker of North Collins or near Shirley are both dead. Baker was shot dead. Vail was shot through the right lung and died last night. Our co had 4 wounded. I don’t know of any others that you would know that are hurt. I fired over 50 rounds at the rebs yesterday, twas as hard a days work as I ever done. I was completely tired out long before night but stayed on the skirmish line till after dark when we were withdrawn and moved back a few miles leaving our Infantry in front of us. We fought dismounted cavalry troop who had just come from S. Carolina & Georgia. I am all right, only being hit with a spent ball on my boot which did no damage.”

Kimball wrote another description of the battle on June 4, 1864 in a letter home to Harriett and William Press.

“I have been in four battles since we crossed the Pamunkey the last time the 28th was a hard fight with the cavalry, we fight in the weeds dismounted. Can’t get the Chivalry into an open field and so have to fight them where we can find them. I fired over 50 carbine shots at them the 28th while on the skirmish line (I don’t know but I wrote this before), some days lately we have fought all day then built breast works all night. I never knew what it was to be tired till I soldiered it; we laid still yesterday & are quiet now at nine oclock this morning. If I ever get out of this I can tell tales that would make a home guard shudder. I came down here to shoot rebs & I have had a good many shots at them with an excellent gun & Wm. you know whether you would like to have even so poor a marksman as me shoot at you with a rifle that will carry ½ a mile when you were 6, 10, or even 100 rods off.”

Sadly, Kimball Pearsons was killed just a week after this letter was written at the Battle of Trevilian Station on June 11, 1864. Lieutenant Frederick A. Gee of his company wrote to Harriett and William Press to let them know Kimball Pearsons final words.

“I asked him what I should tell his friends, he said “You know how I have done my duty and know what to say to them.” Tell my comrades said he, ‘To do their duty as I have done mine.’

‘I am glad I enlisted, hope our cause may succeed and firmly believe it will and that slavery will be done away with and that the old flag will again float over an undivided country, and that the result of the war will be to make us a more free and prosperous nation.’ In speaking of death he said, ‘Were it not for this terrible pain it would be pleasant to die.’ In speaking of the future he said, ‘I think different from many but believe that my spirit will live on and that I shall be happy.’ He requested me to remember the place where he fell and also where he was buried, which, no doubt, have already been described to you by Sgt. Washburn. He lived two hours after he was wounded and died at 6 P.M. was perfectly conscious to the last moment, knew and said he knew he could not live and expressed no regrets whatever, and no man was ever more reconciled to his fate or more composed than he.”

Kimball’s statement, “I think different from many but believe that my spirit will live on and that I shall be happy,” is likely a reference to his spiritualist beliefs which were also shared by his sister Harriett. Throughout his time in the service Kimball Pearsons was an avid reader of the spiritualist newspaper, the “Banner of Light”, which Harriett mailed him.

The more than 100 letters in the Kimball Pearsons collection were made possible through the generous donation of David B. Russell who allowed the Research Arsenal to digitize these letters in conjunction with St. Bonaventure University. His book, “Tough & Hearty: Kimball Pearsons, Civil War Cavalryman, Co. L, 10th Regiment of Cavalry, New York State Volunteers,” contains transcriptions of most of Kimball’s letters, as well as diary entries and a history of Kimball Pearsons’ family.

To read all of Kimball Pearsons’ letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Joseph Maitland of the 95th Ohio Infantry and Henry Cole Smith of the 8th Connecticut Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 43: Joseph Maitland 95th Ohio Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Joseph Maitland was born in 1838 to James Madison Maitland and Anna (Mast) Maitland of Salem, Ohio. Joseph Maitland enlisted in Company G, 95th Ohio Infantry on August 8, 1862 and was appointed corporal on August 19, 1862. On December 5, 1862 he was promoted to sergeant.

In 1862 Joseph Maitland, along with much of his regiment, was taken prisoner at Richmond, Kentucky by Confederate forces under the command of General Kirby Smith. He was paroled and sent to Columbus Ohio for about three months until the end of 1862.

For this spotlight we’ll focus on the 13 letters he wrote in 1864 to his future wife, Arabella Wharton.

The 95th Ohio Infantry in Tennessee

Levee at Memphis, Tennessee in 1864.
Levee at Memphis, Tennessee in 1864.

In Joseph Maitland’s first letter in our collection, he wrote from a camp near Memphis, Tennessee on May 11, 1864 about the recent expedition the 95th Ohio Infantry had made in the area.

“After proceeding about 34 miles east of Memphis, it was found that the bridge over Wolf River had been destroyed so that we could go no further that way, so we abandoned the railroad and proceeded to take up our line of march on foot. Our course was in a southeasterly direction passing through the towns of Moscow (which is nearly all burned), Somerville & Bolivar. At the last named place, our cavalry — which was in the advance — overtook a part of Forrest’s command and had a small skirmish with him in which there was not much loss on either side. The Rebs retreated over the Hatch River in the direction of Jackson, Tennessee. They burnt the bridge over the river, thus stopping us from following them. It was the intention to rebuild the bridge & follow them, but on sending some scouts to Jackson, it was found that they had evacuated that place also…

… After going nearly to Ripley, Mississippi and seeing no signs of any Rebs, and getting very short of rations, it was finally concluded to give up the expedition and return to Memphis. We arrived here on night before last after an absence of ten days, during that time we marched 120 miles on foot and went 68 by railroad. I thought I had seen hard soldiering before this, but never in my life did I see as hard times as on this march. The weather was uncommonly hot, the roads dusty, and a good part of the time we were on very short rations. Many times we would not stop at night until near midnight & then be called up to match at 3 o’clock in the morning. We hardly ever had time to cook breakfast, and at night we would be too tired to get any supper. But notwithstanding all the hardships, we passed through. My health was good all the time, but my feet got very sore.”

In addition to the military presence in Memphis, there were also economic controls put in place in order to prevent union goods being used to aid Confederate forces. In a letter  written on May 14, 1864, Joseph Maitland expressed his support for these measures.

“On day after tomorrow the lines close round the City of Memphis and no more goods or citizens will be allowed to pass out. Heretofore, citizens coming in from the country would take out goods to the amount of 800 & 1,000 dollars at a time and we have good reasons to believe that a good portion went to Forrest’s Army. But that game will be blocked for the next hundred days to come.”

Joseph Maitland Takes Ill

On August 7, 1864, Joseph Maitland wrote to Arabella with some unfortunate news about his health.

“Again I seat myself to pen you a line. I suppose you will think strange of my being in our old camp while our Regiment is out with the expedition. It certainly is strange, but if you give me time enough, I will give you the reasons. When I wrote you last we were at La Grange expecting orders to march every moment. In the afternoon of the day I wrote, we received orders to march and accordingly we took up our line of march to Davis’ Mills where we encamped for the night and over Sunday. On Monday we started again taking a southerly direction, marched about 15 miles to a creek by the name of Coldwater. During the night we were there, it rained & I got pretty thoroughly soaked. The next day I felt very badly with toothache & headache but managed to march with the regiment to Holly Springs where we went into camp.

Soon after stopping, I was taken with a chill & afterwards high fever and was unable to do anything. After remaining there two days & not getting any better, I was (with a number of others out of the Brigade) ordered to go back to Memphis to report to the Superintendent of Hospitals for treatment. On the evening of the 3rd, we started & arrived here on the 4th & reported. A good many were sent to hospitals but as I always had a peculiar dread for the institution, I persuaded the surgeon to let me come out to our old camp. I am not to say dangerously ill as I have got the fever about broken up. I still have very severe pain in my side & head, but hope to be better in a few days. I think the most I need is rest as we have had none scarcely tis summer.”

While recovering from his sickness, Joseph Maitland also wrote about the deteriorating economic situation in the area in a letter dated August 13, 1864.

“The only way we can hold our own with the women peddlers is to milk their cows that come round our camp. Yesterday I was having very good luck milking, when the owner of the cow—an old woman—came running out and you had better believe I caught it. She said, “Don’t you feel ashamed to milk other people’s cows?” I told her no, I didn’t feel at all bad when they sold us milk that was half water. She got very huffy & went to drive her cow off but as she was not at all afraid of soldiers, she ran up to our camp & I finished milking her right before the  old woman’s eyes and you had better believe she cared. But I didn’t mind her & so got milk enough of our coffee for several meals (don’t think I am getting demoralized).

There has been an order issued stopping all goods except those sold by the sutlers & government stores from coming down the [Mississippi] River. The consequence is that the merchants in Memphis have raised on their prices more than double what they used to be. For instance, suspenders that used to sell for 50 cents are sold for $1.50. Very common woolen shirts sell at $10 & $12 per pair. But perhaps this is not interesting to you & so I will say no more on this subject.”

Joseph Maitland Court Martial Clerk

Illustration of the court martial of Gen. Fitzjohn Porter from Harper’s Weekly dated January 3, 1863. Though Joseph Maitland was not a clerk at this particular court martial, it serves as an example of how court martials were conducted.
Illustration of the court martial of Gen. Fitz John Porter from Harper’s Weekly dated January 3, 1863. Though Joseph Maitland was not a clerk at this particular court martial, it serves as an example of how court martials were conducted.

By October, 1864, Joseph Maitland had been detailed as a clerk for the General Courts Martial being held in Memphis, Tennessee. He seemed to enjoy the duty as he wrote  to Arabella on October 23, 1864.

“I am still clerking for the Court Marshal and am having first rate times. I am enjoying very good health for which I feel durably thankful.”

He continued working as a clerk for at least another month before being ordered back to his regiment along with all the other detached men from his division. Joseph Maitland informed Arabella of the situation in a letter written on November 17.

“In my last I told you that Orders had been received here that all the detachments and detached men belonging to the 1st & 3rd Divisions, 16th Army Corps were ordered to Paducah, Kentucky. Yesterday the detachment of our brigade broke up camp and last evening started up the [Mississippi] River. The weather here for the past four or five days has been very wet and disagreeable — one of the very worst times to break up camp. But notwithstanding all the disadvantages, the Order had to be obeyed. I did not get started with the detachment as there was still considerable business of the Court on hand. There was an application signed by all the members of the Court sent to Head Quarters requesting to have me permanently detailed. Today the application came back disapproved so I am looking all the time to be relieved and ordered to Paducah. I may not get off for a few days yet — perhaps not till next week some time. I was in good hopes that I would get to remain here as I am so comfortably situated but it seems to be my lot to have to go & I will submit although it goes considerably against the grain.”

Despite Joseph Maitland believing he was soon to return to his regiment, the court martial to which he was serving was only dissolved in December, 1864, as he detailed in a letter written on December 16, 1864.

“Since Gen’l [Napoleon J. T.] Dana assumed command of this department, he has made a good many changes. Our Court Martial has been busted up. The Headquarters District of Memphis has been changed to Headquarters Post and Defenses of Memphis. Gen’l Buckland still in command. Gen’l [James Clifford] Veatch takes command of the District of West Tennessee. The whole including Paducah and the country to Vicksburg including Vicksburg under command of Gen’l Dana.”

Joseph Maitland was mustered out on May 31, 1865. He married Arabella Wharton in 1867 and died in 1918.

We’d like to give a special thank you to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Joseph Maitland’s letters, numerous letters written to him by friends as family, as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Henry Cole Smith of the 8th Connecticut Infantry and William Prince of the Ordnance Department.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 42: Henry Cole Smith 8th Connecticut Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Cole Smith was born in 1845 to Marcus DeForest Smith and Harriet (Cole) Smith of Kent, Connecticut. He was just fifteen years old when he enlisted in Company E of the 8th Connecticut Infantry on September 28, 1861.

The nine letters in the Research Arsenal collection were written to a friend of Henry Cole Smith named Nancy L. Harrison.

Henry Cole Smith in Virginia

Photo of “White House” once belonging to the Custis family taken on May 17, 1862. It burned down in June, 1862, prior to Henry Cole Smith’s arrival.
Photo of “White House” once belonging to the Custis family taken on May 17, 1862. It burned down in June, 1862, prior to Henry Cole Smith’s arrival via Wikimedia Commons.

The first letter in our collection was written from Suffolk, Virginia on May 10, 1863. At the time the 8th Connecticut Infantry had recently been involved in the siege of Suffolk. Henry Cole Smith wrote to Nancy about the 8th Connecticut Infantry’s successful capture of a Confederate battery.

“You have probably read about our taking the rebel battery the other side of the river, so I shall not need to say much about that. I was there of course. I fired my rifle 3 times. None of the boys fired more times than that, with one of our rifles, but those who had Sharps Rifles fired 5 times. Some of the boys fired none. One man of this company was wounded in his arm and leg but not seriously.”

Henry Cole Smith also shared his hopes that Fredericksburg would be taken soon and that it would bring the war to a close.

“There is a great anxiety felt here for Gen. Hooker. I hope he may succeed in his attempt to drive the rebels from their stronghold round Fredericksburg. I think there will be some chance for this war to end in 8 or 10 months after he has driven the enemy from Fredericksburg.”

One June 28, 1863, Henry Cole Smith wrote another letter to Nancy, this time from White House Landing, Virginia. He described the (now burned) house where they were staying and its long history.

“The house from which this place took its name has been burned. It was burned when General McClellan evacuated this place last year. The house (I should judge from the foundation) must have been a very pretty one and was owned by Brigadier General F. H. Lee of the rebel army. He also owned the farm on which we are encamped. About an hour since, I saw an old Negro 102 years old. He says he can remember when General Washington was married in the “White House.”

While George Washington was at the Custis family’s “White House” the marriage was in 1759 and even if the man were 102 he would have been too young to have witnessed the marriage himself.

Along with the description, Henry Cole Smith’s letter also included a few plant specimens from the White House and surrounding area.

“I will enclose a few flowers—the pink Larkspur I picked in the ‘White House’ garden and the white French Lilac came from the same place. The leaf came from the Dismal Swamp and the other flowers I picked near Suffolk. And that little yellow clove I picked near Yorktown. We were encamped there 3 days.”

Henry Cole Smith in 1864

Painting of the steamship Daniel Webster made in 1900 by Antonio Jacobsen.
Painting of the steamship Daniel Webster made in 1900 by Antonio Jacobsen via Wikimedia Commons.

Henry Cole Smith reenlisted as a veteran in the 8th Connecticut Infantry on December 23, 1863. In a letter from March 2, 1864, Henry Cole Smith described the regiment’s voyage on board the steamer ship Daniel Webster after spending some time in New Haven, Connecticut.

“We left Wallingford Saturday P. M. that evening we went aboard the steamer Daniel Webster, that which was lying at the end of the “long wharf”, New Haven. We never were so crowded aboard a boat as much as we were aboard this boat. The first night the orderly (E. Wadhams) and I slept together on the deck. The second day one of the boys broke into an empty stateroom and occupied one of the bunks. I went in and monopolized the other bunk so I was better off than most of the boys. The ocean was not very rough so we may say our passage down was quite a pleasant one, but it was slow as we were going toward the wind all the time.”

A little further in the letter, Henry Cole Smith said he felt more at home with the regiment than he did back in Connecticut, which might also explain some of his reasons for reenlisting.

“The boys are in very good spirits. I feel more at home than I did when I was in Cornwall. I felt out of my place when I was there and now I feel as if I am where I belong.”

A little over a week later, on March 8, 1864, Henry Cole Smith revealed that he was currently studying to take the examination for a commission in a US Colored Troops regiment.

“I have been studying the “tactics” so I feel pretty well prepared for an examination whenever I am called upon. If I receive an appointment in a Colored Regiment—either the 29th or 30th Connecticut—I will probably be able to visit Cornwall before the regiment leaves the state, and in that case if I do not stay with you later than I did the last night, it will be strange.”

Henry Cole Smith also wrote to Nancy on March 26, 1864, and describe the construction of the camp of the 8th Connecticut Infantry currently located outside of Deep Creek, Virginia.

“Yesterday I was detailed for guard and on guard mount the Adjutant detailed me for “Orderly” so I could not answer your letter yesterday. You perceive that we have moved camp by the heading of this letter, which we did the 12th and now are encamped on the left bank of the “Southern Branch” of the Elizabeth River—or as it is called here by the citizens, “Deep Creek.” The soil is quite sandy, the surface about 12 feet above the water. In the summer I think we will find a good breeze on this bank. We have not the “old log house? but we have a house which is quite comfortable and very much the same shape as the “Hall” was but not as large. Instead of a “fireplace,” we have a stove. And instead of logs, we have the sides of the house built of “shakes” as the Negroes call them. To make them the Negroes cut down large pine trees, saw them up in pieces from 4 feet to 6 feet long, then take a “fro” and split the blocks up with strips about ½ inch thick and from 3 inches to 6 inches wide, which we have to use in the South for boards.”

Henry Cole Smith on the March

After outfitting their new recruits with rifles, the 8th Connecticut Infantry went on some long marches in April, 1864. These long marches took a toll on the soldiers and on April 16, 1864, Henry Cole Smith wrote a letter detailing his own method to try and get through them as well as he could.

“I think the men had sorer feet on this march than ever before because we got them so wet the night before, and then we marched about 30 miles that day. My feet were not as sore as a great many were and that evening when I took off my boots & stockings on the bank of a little brook to soak my feet in the water to take the fever out of them, I found the skin had been worn off in several places and that my feet were rather bloody. I think my feet would have been so sore. I could not have walked on them if I had not used a preventative which was to rub soap on them, which made my stockings stick to my feet and instead of my stockings slipping on my feet, my boots slipped on my stockings. This I have tried several times and found it was a great help to me on a march. I have told others of it also and they do so also.”

On March 18, 1865, Henry Cole Smith wrote to Nancy that he soon expected to be discharged but asked her to keep it a secret.

“Nancy I guess the time is not far distant when you may look in earnest for me. By this I mean that I have great hopes of being discharged on account of disability contracted in the pursuance of my duties as a soldier while marching. Still you must not make up your mind that I am to be discharged for you might get disappointed again. Please keep this a secret, for if I succeed, I wish to surprise Cornwall people. You and “my people” are the only ones that know there is such a move on foot, I guess.”

Henry Cole Smith’s prediction was correct and he was officially discharged for disability on March 28, 1865, because of a hernia. He died in 1917.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Henry Cole Smith’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like William Prince of the Ordnance Department and Benjamin Hulburd of the 2nd Vermont Infantry.

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