Tag: Civil war letters

Research Arsenal Spotlight 37: Richard Weld 44th Massachusetts Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Richard Weld was born in 1835 to Aaron Davis Weld and Abbie (Harding) Weld of West Roxbury, Massachusetts. He attended Harvard University and graduated in 1856. After a short stint in the Boston Infantry Cadets in the summer of 1862, Richard Weld enlisted in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry on September 12, 1862 and was commissioned as first lieutenant of company K.

The five letters in this collection were written by Richard Weld to his sister-in-law, Anna T. Reynolds. Serving alongside Richard Weld in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry, was Frank Reynolds who was Anna’s brother and the husband of Richard’s sister, Cordelia.

Meeting of the 45th and the 44th Massachusetts Infantry

Photo of Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via findagrave.org.
Photo of Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via findagrave.org.

In Richard Weld’s first letter to Anna, written one November 15, 1862, he described a meeting between the 45th and 44th Massachusetts Infantry regiments. Both were nine months regiments, but the 44th Massachusetts Infantry had already seen some fighting by the time they met up with the 45th Massachusetts Infantry in North Carolina, though Richard Weld admitted that their tales may have been a bit embellished.

“The 45th Regiment got here last night and our regiment took care of them. [John] Frank Emmons and Alpheus [H.] Hardy slept in Frank and Fred’s bed, and Fred went into the barracks to sleep. I have seen almost all the officers. They have almost all been in to call on me and it seemed very jolly to see them all again. They are going into Emery’s Brigade and will be about 3 miles from us on the other side of the river so that we shall hardly ever see any of them unless we meet by chance in the city. I tell you, we rather astonished them by our tales of marches and battles, which of course we made as glowing as possible. I was perfectly astonished with what indifference I stood there when the firing was going on on the evening of the skirmish. I had a perfectly resigned feeling if I was going to be hit, it was alright. It didn’t seem to trouble me at all.”

Campaign in North Carolina

Painting of the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge made by Merrill G. Wheelock, a soldier in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via Wikimedia Commons.
Painting of the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge made by Merrill G. Wheelock, a soldier in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via Wikimedia Commons.

In December, 1862, the 44th Massachusetts Infantry fought in a series of engagements as part of General Foster’s expedition to Goldsboro. In a letter written on Christmas eve, 1862, Richard Weld summarized their recent fighting, which included battles at Kinston, Whitehall, and Goldsboro Bridge.

“Saturday we did not march far as our advance was skirmishing and fighting with the enemy’s skirmishers. Sunday we had the fight at Kinston and though we did not fire again, we were where the balls were pretty thick and had to march through all the wounded and dying. They were as cheerful as if they were on a pleasure excursion, telling us to go in and whip the devils and not minding their own wounds in the slightest.

The enemy broke and ran just as we got onto the field, retreating across the Neuse river and setting fire to the bridge which they had previously tarred. Our troops were too quick for them, however. We saved the bridge and took about 400 prisoners. We crossed over the river and slept that night in Kinston, which is a very pretty village. It is hardly large enough to call it anything else.

Monday we had a long march of 17 miles and were pretty well tired out. My feet were wet through all day and in fact for most of the ten days I hardly ever had dry feet in the daytime. Tuesday was the fight at Whitehall. We were drawn up on one side of the river behind a fence and the enemy were in the woods on the other side in the trees and out of sight so that we could only fire at random, without certainty of hitting them. They were mostly sharpshooters and it was wonderful that there were not more killed. We lost 21 killed and wounded in the regiment. I lost one man killed. The enemy soon discovered our Colors and the bullets flew around and over our heads in a most unpleasant proximity. [Capt.] George Lombard [of Co. C] and myself, being the nearest officers to the Colors, were particularly favored. We stayed there about two hours and it gave our men an excellent opportunity to use their guns and get used to firing which they had never done before. We marched a few miles further that night and halted.

The next day went to the Neuse river bridge which we burnt and tore up the railroad & this cut off the communication with the South for the present. Started on our return at ½ past 5 o’clock. We heard firing again in our rear and orders came to countermarch. You can not imagine the perfect feeling of despondency which came over all of us, tired as we were, at the thought of having to march all the way back again and perhaps have another fight. We marched back about 2 miles and then were drawn up by division in the woods at some crossroads. I almost wish we could have had a fight then. We were so cold and tired and mad that we should have fought like tigers. We stayed there about ½ an hour and once more resumed our homeward way and reached the campground of the previous night about 11 o’clock. The next three days we marched back about 65 miles and reached Newbern perfectly used up. I hope I should never see such marching again.”

Leisure in Camp Life

In January 27, 1863 the 44th Massachusetts found themselves in camp without much active fighting. To fight the tedium, they turned to throwing a dance, with some of the soldiers standing in as women in a rather elaborate fashion. Richard Weld described the dance in a letter to his sister-in-law.

“The idea of dancing—how could you know my feelings so, Annie, by mentioning such a subject? I suspect that the Marching Cotillion will be the fashionable dance when we get back as we shall have unwisely forgotten all the other dances. However, I will try not to forget the gallop, for my “cousin.” The other night they had a ball in Co. E barracks—a master and fancy ball combined. Some of the men made very handsome ladies. The dresses were got up capitally considering the means at hand. Shelter tents were the chief material and being of a party color (white), they made a very pretty show. Some three or four were really artistic in their performance, putting on the airs and ways of female loveliness to perfection and causing shouts of laughter. All the officers were there as lookers on, from Colonel down and quite a number from other regiments. One female of color was a feature of the occasion and he acted his part capitally. Then men’s dresses were good also—clowns and Spanish Hidalgos being prominent. The whole affair went off in the best spirits and was a perfect success. One of the 10th Connecticut officers said they had to come over to our regiment to see any life. Some of the ladies wore very pretty headdresses and one had very luxuriant flowing hair made of long grey moss of the country.”

In February, 1863, Richard Weld wrote to Anna about a recent bill that might have seen the nine months men being forced to serve a longer term of enlistment. Needless to say, he and the rest of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry were quite opposed to it.

“It is reported here today that Wilson has introduced a Bill to keep us out here for two years. Is it so? And if so, how does it strike you all? Instead of four months more, it will be nineteen months more—some difference I must confess. I suppose it will meet with hearty approval at home as it will save some of the lazy and indifferent ones from any fear of a new draft, but won’t there be some growling out here. I believe it will make a general row (a new general) in the army if they try it on 19 months. I shudder at the thought. We should all be perfectly demoralized by that time. I shall get sick right off and have to resign.”

Despite his fears, Richard Weld and the rest of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry mustered out at the end of their original nine months term on June 18, 1863. Richard Weld married Laura Townsend on Winsor on July 3, 1866. He died at the age of 75 in 1908.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Richard Weld’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like David McGowan of the 47th Illinois Infantry and Aaron Wheeler of the 50th Illinois Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 36: David McGowan 47th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

David McGowan was born in 1838 to James and Eliza (Conn) McGowan in Pennsylvania. His family later moved to Baltimore, Maryland, but David himself was living in Bennington, Illinois when he enlisted in Company I of the 47th Illinois Infantry. He wrote the seven letters in the Research Arsenal collection to a pair of sisters named Fannie and Ellen of Minonk, Illinois. Although not confirmed, these sisters were almost certainly Ellen Philena Fowler and Fannie Josepha Fowler who were living in Minonk in the 1860 census. It is not clear that there was any familial relationship between the Fowlers and the McGowans, but in one letter David McGowan mentions his mother visiting the Fowler family.

On September 4, 1861, David McGowan was mustered into the 47th Illinois Infantry as a corporal. By the time he mustered out, he had been promoted to first sergeant.

The 47th Illinois Infantry in Missouri

Photo of soldiers from Company E, 47th Illinois Infantry at Oxford, Mississippi taken on December 18, 1862 via Civil War Centennial Commission of Illinois.
Photo of soldiers from Company E, 47th Illinois Infantry at Oxford, Mississippi taken on December 18, 1862 via Civil War Centennial Commission of Illinois.

The first letter in our collection was written on January 20, 1862 from Otterville, Missouri. In the letter, David McGowan was hopeful that the war might come to an end soon, though was not confident in the current rumors around camp.

“We are in a very strong secession district but as yet have had no fight and not much prospect of getting into one. There is a rumor quite prevalent in camp to the effect that war operations (on both sides) have been stopped for twenty days and that the South is about suing for peace. I don’t put much confidence in it yet. If they do make a peace, I hope it will be honorable to the United States Government.”

The 47th Illinois was also busy at this time building quarters and other buildings for the winter, as David McGowan stated later in the same letter.

“We have got a hospital built out here in the woods. It is built out of logs. Of course it is not very smooth but will answer the purpose very well. We are thinning the timber very fast. It was pretty heavy timber when we first came here but is getting thinner very fast. There are a good many sick. Not many that are very bad.”

David McGowan and Camp Life

The next letter in our David McGowan collection was written nearly a year later, on December 15, 1863. However, it found David McGowan in similar circumstances, settling in for a cold winter with the 47th Illinois Infantry, this time in La Grange, Tennessee. He was then hopeful that a new theatre performance might bring some liveliness to camp.

“There is nothing of much interest going on here if I except the theatre. We are actually going to have a theatre in the seminary building. I expect they will be ready to commence operations about the last of this week. I don’t suppose it will amount to much. They say there are to be four actresses. I may go once just to get a sight of a woman for I can assure you, they are a scarce article in this benighted land. There are a few in town. Out Col’s wife and a Lt’s wife (neither of them are very attractive. I have not got acquainted with either of them yet) are here for a short stay.”

Unfortunately, the actresses seem to not have been enough to hold David McGowan’s interest as his follow up letter written on December 23, 1863, had a rather negative review of the theatre.

“Capt. Andrews and me went to the theatre last night. The plays were just tolerable. There was quite a full house and considerable noise and I did not enjoy it very much. The theatre is quite close to our camp. I can hear them now cheering the actors.”

When David McGowan wrote to Fannie Fowler a few weeks later on January 19, 1864, he humorously revealed one of the not-so-pleasant aspects of his current camp life.

“You know cats are my favorite. We have several in camp. They are more for ornament that use as the rats are larger than the cats. Mr. Hart & me have a board floor in our shebang and there are quite a number of rats under it. A couple of them got on our bed last night. One of them got on Mr. Hart’s head. He made a very energetic movement and the enemy was routed and beat a hasty retreat. One got on my feet but by gently moving them (my feet), the rat left. I don’t think they are very dangerous as they have no discipline. They fight among themselves—and you know they must be Union to be strength. Well, I suppose you think I have chosen a queer subject to write about. Still as they are our nightly comrades, I could not do less than mention them.”

David McGowan Considers Reenlistment

David McGowan mentions escorting supplies for General Sherman’s (pictured above) army in a letter to Ellen and Fannie written in 1864.
David McGowan mentions escorting supplies for General Sherman’s (pictured above) army in a letter to Ellen and Fannie written in 1864.

David McGowan enlisted in the 47th Illinois Infantry for a term of three years. As he neared the expiration of that term, one of the chief thoughts on his mind was whether he should reenlist as a veteran at his term’s expiration.

In a letter written January 19, 1864, he brought up his current indecision to Fannie Fowler.

“I have been thinking some of enlisting in the Veteran Corps. What do you think of the idea? From present appearances, very few of the 47th will re-enlist. That is one drawback to my trying it and then I want to have my friend’s opinion. I have had letters from home lately. Neither Father no Mother are very well. I rather think my duty calls me there when my term of service expires. I feel very anxious to see them all over more. And if I am spared until my term of service expires, I will not be slow in going there.”

David McGowan also told Ellen in a separate letter that his father had advised against reenlistment, stating “I received a letter from the East the other day. Father don’t want me to re-enlist. I guess maybe I will obey him.”

March, 1864 found the 47th Illinois Infantry in Vicksburg, supporting General Sherman. David McGowan wrote to both Ellen and Fannie about his current duties and the difficult conditions of the area.

“On the 26th of Feb. we (our brigade) started in charge of a large train of wagons with rations for General Sherman’s Army. We marched to Canton, Miss. in 48 hrs (56 miles). Canton is one of the prettiest towns I ever saw—something like Holly Springs, only not so large, is much prettier laid out, and is in the (by far) best portion of Mississippi I have yet seen. It is the county seat of Madison County.

We left there March 1st during a very cold rain. The roads coming back were execrable. We reached Black River Bridge on the third after a very tiresome march. We marched — or rather crawled — nearly all night two nights in succession. On our way out, we met a train of Negroes about 4 miles long, estimated at 5,000. They had all kinds of wagons, carts, etc., quite a number dying on the way. Mothers killing their own children to get rid of them. There was also a very long string of captured horses and mules. Sherman destroyed 23 engines at Canton, also a large number of cars and about 100 miles of railroad during his march. I suppose you have seen the account of his raid in the papers.”

Ultimately, David McGowan decided not to reenlist and mustered out with the other non-veterans on October 11, 1864. As he mentioned in an earlier letter, he returned to Maryland to be near his parents. The last letter  in our collection was written on December 22, 1864, and even at that time David McGowan still considered reenlisting in the service.

“Somehow I feel completely lost about half the time. If I was away from home I would think I had an attack of homesickness. Maybe i am homesick for my western home. At any rate, I long to see you all once more. Maybe I will get used to this kind of life after awhile but at present, it nearly kills me. Have half a notion to re-enlist and make one of the “300,000 more” that Uncle Abe has called for. Don’t you think I had better? I ought to be perfectly satisfied at home as I have the best of parents and the sweetest of sisters and all that makes home pleasant. Still there is a something wanting. Can you explain it? If you can, I wish you would.”

In the end, David McGowan did not reenlist. He married Ida Annette Miller in 1871 and worked as an auditor in the US Treasury Department. He died in 1924.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of David McGowan’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Aaron Wheeler of the 50th Illinois Infantry and Farner Shaw of the 4th Minnesota Infantry.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 35: Aaron Wheeler 50th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Aaron Wheeler was born in 1830 and resided in Avon, Illinois when he enlisted in Company G of the 50th Illinois Infantry on September 24, 1861. He was married to Fannie (Butler) Wheeler and had two young daughters named Mary and Rosa Jane. He gave his occupation as a carpenter, but the 1860 federal census listed him as a “saloon keeper.”

In the seven letters making up our Research Arsenal collection, Aaron Wheeler wrote primarily to his wife, Fannie, but also to his parents.

Bushwhackers in Missouri

In November 1861, the 50th Illinois Infantry was stationed in Missouri and fighting against bushwhackers. On November 2, 1861, Aaron Wheeler wrote home to assure his wife that the rumors she’d heard about his regiment were false and that they were all well.

“I suppose you have heard some bad news about our regiment but it is all false. We have not had any battle yet. Last Sunday there was about 250 of us went out on a scout about 25 miles. There was 33 out of my company went. I was along with them to a town called Jamestown. It was once quite a little town but now there is but four families in it & they are Union. We see no chance for fight. The rebels are scattered. We don’t find more than 2 or 3 together. They are what they call here bushwhackers. We got back here last Tuesday. We brought 8 of the rebels with us and the rest that was taken took the oath that was sealed with blue pills. How many there was, I don’t know, but probably there was 30 or 40. We had a cavalry company that joined us. When we got there they sealed those oaths.”

The “blue pills” that Aaron Wheeler refers to in the passage above are bullets. As guerrilla fighters out of uniform, bushwhackers were not subject to the laws regarding prisoners of war.

The 50th Illinois Infantry in St. Joseph Missouri

Photo of soldiers of the 9th Missouri State Militia Cavalry drilling in the streets of St. Joseph, Missouri, probably taken in 1863 or 1864.
Photo of soldiers of the 9th Missouri State Militia Cavalry drilling in the streets of St. Joseph, Missouri, probably taken in 1863 or 1864 via Daviess County Historical Society.

For winter quarters, the 50th Illinois Infantry was fortunate enough to be staying in St. Joseph, Missouri. Aaron Wheeler wrote about his accommodations in a letter dated December 1, 1861.

“We have a good place here. We are in a hall. It is large enough to accommodate two companies. I have a small room to cook in at the end of the hall. The building that we are in is three stories high. The upper story is the Old Fellows Hall. My health is good. It never was better and I hope these few lines will find you all the same. I am well fixed now. I have a stove to cook by now. It keeps my room warm & nice this is much better than camping out in tents. I don’t think we shall have to camp out any more this winter.”

In a letter written to his parents a week later, Aaron offered more details of his quarters and the city of St. Joseph.

“We have got good comfortable quarters. We are in a very large, 3-story building. It is built with brick. The most of the buildings are brick. This is a very nice place. The streets are paved with stone and the sidewalks are laid with brick and it is quite a city—much larger than I expected to find so far west as this.”

The Execution of Alexander J. Johnson 1st Alabama (Union) Cavalry

July, 1863, saw Aaron Wheeler and the 50th Illinois Infantry in Corinth, Mississippi. While there he witnessed the execution of Alexander J. Johnson, a man that had first served in the Confederate army, then served in the Union 1st Alabama Cavalry before deserting and getting caught trying to burn a bridge. Johnson was sentenced to death at a court martial and Aaron Wheeler described the execution in detail to his wife in a letter written July 26, 1863.

“Thursday I witnessed that that I never did before. Our cavalry last Sunday captured a man that last spring came from the Rebel army and enlisted in our cavalry and stayed a while and [then] deserted while on picket with his horse and equipments. He was caught burning a bridge between here and Memphis. He was brought here and had his trial and was sentenced to be shot. I went to see it done and all the troops were marched out to see it. He was taken out of the guard house to a wagon that had his coffin in and he and a minister got into the wagon and sit on his coffin and there was a brass band and twelve men that were to shoot him went in front of the wagon and twelve armed men followed behind. They took him out about a mile from town where all the troops were in line.

They took him out of the wagon and marched him in front of the troops the whole length of the line with the same escorts that took him out there in addition of four men to carry his coffin in front of him—then to the place he was shot. He was set on the foot of his coffin facing the men that were to shoot him. They were ten steps from him. A bandage was put over his eyes. The first six were ordered to aim and fire at him. The other six were kept so if the first six did not kill him, the others would. But he did not know what hit him after the first six. They all fired at once. The other six did not fire. There were five ball holes through him—four through his head and one through his breast. It was a hard looking sight. He leaves a wife and children. His home was in Alabama.

There was an artist there to take a picture of him as he lay before he was touched. I intend to have a picture of that scene and send it to you as I was an eye witness. It seems heartless to shoot a man in cold blood but I think it right enough to shoot all such men. There is lots of them that deserve it as bad as he did I have no doubt—if they could be ketched.”

Aaron Wheeler Builds Pontoons

Pontoon bridges across James River at Deep Bottom and Varina, Virginia.
Pontoon bridges across James River at Deep Bottom and Varina, Virginia.

Perhaps partly owing to his experience as a carpenter, Aaron Wheeler, along with seven other men from his regiment were put on a detail to report to the Engineer Corps of their division. He described his new duties in the same letter written on July 26, 1863.

“The reason that I did not answer the other one before now [was that] I got [placed on] a detail a week ago yesterday to report the Division Engineer Corps. They have detailed eight men out of each regiment in the division to build bridges or warehouses or anything that is needed for the use of the army. Our quarters are by the side of the railroad but little ways from the depot.

I think I shall like this better. We don’t have to work hard and only about half of the time and we don’t have to go into a fight as long as there is anybody else to do it. We are now at work on our barracks. I came here last Monday and [on] Tuesday was put on duty. Twelve of us were sent out about three miles to guard teams and negroes while they hauled in rails to burn brick with. Well, we had a good time. We got all the apples we wanted and blackberries, &c. Wednesday I worked on our barracks.”

In December, 1863, Aaron Wheeler appeared to still be on detached service, now building pontoon bridges in Columbia, Tennessee.

“There is 10 of the Corps boys that has been with me all of the time. We are at work building a pontoon bridge across the river. We are a building 12 boats and we fasten them in the water and then put timbers across them and then put plank on. That makes the bridge. I think we shall get it done next Tuesday and where we shall go then, I don’t know. We may stay here and we may go to the Corps and we may go somewhere else to building bridges. We don’t know one week where we shall be the next.”

Aaron Wheeler mustered out of the 50th Illinois Infantry at the expiration of his term on September 27, 1864. He died in 1899.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Aaron Wheeler’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Farner Shaw of the 4th Minnesota Infantry and William Clemmons of the 7th Tennessee Infantry.

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 34: Farner Shaw 4th Minnesota Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Farner Shaw was born in Dane County, Wisconsin, in 1844 to Henry W. Shaw and Susan J. (Sunderman) Shaw. The family moved to Freeman, Minnesota sometime before 1860. He enlisted as a private in Company F, 4th Minnesota Infantry in February, 1862. He was later promoted to corporal.

The twelve letters in our Research Arsenal collection were written by Farner Shaw to various cousins in the Waldruff family. All of them were the children of Jacob Waldruff and Eliza (Sunderman) Waldruff.

Farner Shaw vs the Copperheads

On September 1, 1862, Farner Shaw wrote the first letter in our collection to William H. Waldruff. Despite having enlisted in February, this letter appears to be the first he sent to his cousin, William.

“Dear cousin, I am now in the service of our country which is a holy and a just cause but I can tell you that it is hard to be a soldier — hard living. But thank God it can’t last long and when it is done, we will see each other once more if we live to see that day and I hope that we will.”

While Farner Shaw’s patriot fervor is evident in this first letter, in a letter written April 11, 1863, his ire had turned to the Copperheads in the north who he believed were at fault for prolonging the war.

“I tell you, I would like to have this war ended and get home but I don’t think that it will as long as there is so many copperheads as you know and peace cryers in the North as there is now. The South would have given up long ago if it hadn’t of been that they saw the North a crying for peace and that the North was a dividing and they never will give up as long as there is such business a going on in the North as there is now.

I hope that every devilish copperhead will get drafted. There is nothing but the poor class that is a fighting this war and the rich ones is at home a filling their pockets of what the poor men send home to their family and give them nothing for it. And they will sit in their stores or taverns and smoke their cigars and say, ‘Let them poor devils fight it out.’ Them is the men I would like to see come into the ranks and shoulder their muskets and live on hard bread for one or two years.”

The 4th Minnesota Infantry and the Vicksburg Campaign

Street view of Vicksburg, Mississippi.
Street view of Vicksburg, Mississippi.

The 4th Minnesota Infantry participated in the expedition to Yazoo Pass as well as the fighting at Fort Pemberton. It was then involved in the Siege of Vicksburg. Throughout this time, the 4th Minnesota Infantry saw its strength much reduced. On June 12, 1863, Farner Shaw wrote to his cousin, Mary Jane Waldruff.

“We are laying in the hollows close to Vicksburg.

And now I will tell you how our regiment has changed since we came south. When we first come south, we had nine hundred and 62 men, and now we have got 2 hundred and 54 men left and I don’t think that there has been over a hundred and fifty that has had their discharge. I tell you that any man that gets out of this war safe and sound is a lucky fellow.”

The Union Army’s success at Vicksburg enhanced the 4th Minnesota Infantry’s reputation. While in Alabama in December, 1863, Farner Shaw wrote  about Confederate soldiers being afraid to face “Vicksburg Veterans.”

“We have been a marching for the last two month. We marched from Corinth to Chattanooga and there we got in another little fight. We had hard work to get at them but when we did, we made them get up and skedaddle. They said that when they found that we was the Vicksburg Veterans, that they wouldn’t stand and get killed and taken prisoners. And after we had drove them out, we followed them 15 miles and then went back and we had so many prisoners that we had to go without anything to eat. We stayed there 4 days and then we started to come here and all I had for breakfast was a little corn meal. And we marched 23 miles and then had nothing to eat and then we got a little in the morning and started and got here. And I tell you, if there ever was a hungry division, it was this one—hungry and worn out. And we think we will have to go to Memphis and go in our old army corps and then go down to Mobile.”

Starvation in the South

After reenlisting as a veteran, Farner Shaw continued his service in the 4th Minnesota Infantry. The 4th Minnesota Infantry moved down to Allatoona, Georgia in the summer of 1864 and spent several months on garrison duty. While there, Farner Shaw observed the difficulties the people of the south had in obtaining food and other necessities. He wrote to his cousin, Jemima Waldruff, about it in a letter dated July 29, 1864.

“We have very dry weather here now and very warm and we are in one of the worst places that we ever was camped in. We can’t see anything but mountains and I tell you, it is lonesome here and if it wasn’t for the ladies, I don’t know what I would do. There is about 300 comes in here every day a peddling blackberries and milk and butter and apples. I tell you, they are hard up. Some of them come as far as ten miles. They want to trade for something to eat. I tell you that we have great times with them. Milk is 1 dollar a gallon and butter 50 cents per pound and we sell our rations according and if this war don’t stop, there is a going to be a great many of them that will starve.”

By March, 1865, the situation was still dire, with little food for soldiers and civilians both. Farner Shaw wrote to Jemima again saying,

“I can tell you that we have had a hard time this winter coming through the little confederacy. We couldn’t get no mail nor nothing to eat — only what we got out of the country. I tell you that there is lots of poor women and children that will starve to death. Some of the soldiers got so hard-hearted that they took the last thing away from the women. I tell you, it is hard to see some of them with little children and not a mouthful of anything to eat and nowhere to get any. What is such people a going to do? And there is lots of such South yet for the soldiers had a grudge against South Carolina and they took revenge well.

What do you think about the war? I will tell you what I think. I think that the war will be at an end inside of four months. The fearful noise of the western arms—the heroes that has cleaned the rebels out of the West—and we have marched 8 hundred miles and are ready to march eight hundred more.”

Farner Shaw has a Close Call

Farner Shaw and the 4th Minnesota Infantry were part of the Grand Review of the Army in May, 1865.
Farner Shaw and the 4th Minnesota Infantry were part of the Grand Review of the Army in May, 1865.

While Lee’s surrender on April 9, 1865, is generally considered the end of the Civil War, sporadic fighting continued for several months more. On April 15, 1865, Farmer Shaw had a very close call when he ran into a pocket of Confederate forces under command of General Wheeler. He recounted the incident in a letter written on April 28.

“You said you didn’t know whether that letter would reach me or not. I tell you, dear cousin, it came very near not to reach me. I have tried a prisoner’s life. I will tell you a little about it. On the 15th day of this month, I and 2 more good men went out in the country to get some horses for our company and we got most too bold and went out too far. And as we was in a little town and one of my noble comrades was fixing his saddle, there was 18 of General Wheeler’s Cavalry came around the other corner and we did not see them until they got right up to us and they commenced shooting at us and one of my partners run and he got away and they shot the other fellow in the leg and I started to get away and 8 of the cowardly dogs took after me a firing as hard as they could. But as good luck and the will of God, they did not hit me, and if you ever saw a horserace, that beat them all. I was bound to get away or die. They run me one mile and a half and then my luck turned. They shot my horse 3 times and he commenced to reel and they—8 men—come all around me and told me to surrender or they would kill me. And then they went at me and took everything away from me and took me along with them and kept me one day and one night and then paroled me. Although I shan’t stop doing my duty, I won’t.”

Farner Shaw mustered out in July, 1865 and returned home. He married Juliet Flemming in 1868 and the couple had 5 children. He and his family later moved to Iowa where Farner worked as a farmer. He died in 1923.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Farner Shaw’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections, like William Clemmons of the 7th Tennessee Infantry  and Henry Markham of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 33: William Clemmons 7th Tennessee Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Clemmons was born in 1843 to Edwin and Patience (Harris) Clemmons of Lebanon, Tennessee. He enlisted on May 20, 1861 in “The Blues,” company K of the 7th Tennessee Infantry. The 7th Tennessee Infantry was part of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia.

The nine letters in our Research Arsenal collection were all written to Sarah Jane Bettes, William Clemmons’ sweetheart back home. She was the daughter of Ausburn Bettes and Martha Ann (Wilkerson) Bettes.

William Clemmons at Richland Station, Tennessee

William Clemmons 7th Tennessee Infantry Company K.
William Clemmons 7th Tennessee Infantry Company K.

William Clemmons’ earliest letters in our collection were written from Richland Station, Tennessee shortly after the regiment was formed. In his first letter to Sarah Jane Bettes, William Clemmons described the size of the camp and his hope that Sarah Jane would send him a photograph of herself.

“Sarah Jane, I wish I could see you now. I could tell you a great deal. There are about five thousand soldiers here. It is not known how long we will stay here—some time perhaps. If we don’t move soon, I think I will get a furlough and come over home in about ten days. I do not know whether I can or not though. If I do come home, I must have your picture. You must have it taken. I promised to give you my picture but the galleries were crowded so that morning, I could not get it taken. I will try and get it taken if I go over home and exchange with you.”

On June 15, 1861, William Clemmons wrote again to Sarah Jane about some recent excitement in the camp.

“This week we have had some excitement in the camp. It was the news day before yesterday that we must be ready at an hours warning to leave here. So we were calculating that we would have to go some distance, not knowing where. But in the evening, a special message came from Nashville changing the order of the moving, so we had more quiet for a while. But about eleven o’clock at night, a gun was fired by a sentinel which created a powerful alarm. The whole camp was in an uproar. I never saw such a time for an hour. Some hollering for guns, some going one way and some another—no one knowing what was the matter. It all turned out to be nothing at last.”

The 7th Tennessee Infantry Fights the Yankees

On August 4, 1861, the 7th Tennessee Infantry was at Huntersville, Virginia, and anticipated a fight with the Union Army at any moment. William Clemmons wrote  to Sarah Jane about the large number of troops in the area and his belief that the Tennessee soldiers were much better than those from other states.

“I am enjoying the best of health and in good spirits. We are now close to our enemies. They are thick as pigeons in about 20 miles of here. In two more days, we will be among them. It is supposed that there is about 30,000 Yankees there. There won’t be many there by the time we get among them and jolt them a time or two. They have whipped the Virginians a time or two, but we are the boys they can’t whip so easy. Virginians can’t fight like Tennesseans, Mississippians, Alabamians &c. We are going to whip them out up there and go to Alexandria and drive them out of there and from there on to Washington City and whip them there, and then we will go home. You may look for me this fall for by that time all things will be settled.”

In another letter  written on August 20, William Clemmons told Sarah Jane of his eagerness to finally face the Union army in battle.

“We have just received orders to leave here at a moment’s calling. We are going from here to Huttonville and there I expect we have a brush with the Yankees for I am told there is a good number of them there, or round about there. I am “sitting back” ready for one or two of their scalps. I will try real hard to snatch some of them from time into eternity before they get me.”

William Clemmons also wrote of some of the hardships he’d already faced as soldier and the difficulties of life in the field.

“A soldier’s life is a hard life. I have read of wars and the hardships pertaining to them but now I experience the reality, none but a soldier can tell how hard a life it is. Just imagine you see us climbing mountains, wading rivers and creeks, sometimes traveling under a broiling sun, sometimes facing the hardest thunderstorms and at night laying on the damp ground but with one thin blanket to cover with. I say imagine you see us in this fix and you will have a slight idea how we soldiers have to live. But this war will not last always. I look forward for better to come. I often sing that good old song, “There is a better day a coming.” I don’t mind the hardships much for I know I am in a good cause for I believe our cause is the cause of God. We are only ministers of his justice.”

William Clemmons Gets the Mumps

Battle wasn’t the only danger soldiers faced in the Civil War. Sickness and disease were also rampant and William Clemmons soon fell victim. On September 8, 1861, he wrote to Sarah Jane to update her about his regiment as well as his own condition.

“I am not exactly well at this time. I have got the mumps. I think though I will be well in a few days. Our Regiment was ordered out on picket last Tuesday about 12 miles from here. I went but took the mumps and had to come back to the camp the next morning. We went [with]in one half of a mile of the Yankees. They were on one mountain and we on another in plain view of each other. They appeared to be very impudent and it seemed by their actions that they wanted us to attack them. Our regiment was sent there to relieve a North Carolina regiment. Our regiment stayed there until Friday when they were relieved by the 14th Regiment of Tennessee. There is a standing guard kept there all the time. We will attack the enemy in a few days—(i. e.) it is thought so by the officers. Our regiment has moved 4 miles further. On being sick, I have not moved yet. I guess I will go in the morning.”

By late October, 1861, William Clemmons had recovered and wrote to Sarah Jane. He detailed the difficult passage over Cheat Mountain and the battle that occurred there. While some of his regiment got into a skirmish there, he was not personally involved in any of the fighting.

“We have had some hard marches since then, I can assure you. The first was our march to Cheat Pass where we were in the midst of Yankees. I cannot describe the road we had to travel; in fact, a great portion of the way, we had no roads at all. We traveled over mountains the steepest I nearly ever saw. Perhaps some places where no human being ever went before. We were on that trip about six days. Cooked up provisions before we started for four days so we where without anything to eat for two days with the exception of what little we cooked. Had no fire. Rained most of the time and pretty cold too. We had no fight at least. Our regiment—some of the pickets—got into a skirmish and one of our regiment got killed belonging to [Capt. James] Baber’s company [C]. Col. Maney’s [1st Tennessee] regiment was fired at by the Yankees. Some two or three of his men were killed and about the same number wounded. Col. Maney’s men returned the fire. It is not known how many of the enemy were killed.

We took some seventy odd prisoners in all of that. I can assure you, the balls from the enemy guns whistled over our heads while the firing was going on. We could not see them though some of us would be gathering blackberries at the same time and all seemed keen to get into a fight. You have heard no doubt several times that we had been into a fight. Well, we were not into the fight but did come very near being in one.”

Christmas at Fredericksburg

Illustration of the Battle of Fredericksburg by Alfred R. Waud.
Illustration of the Battle of Fredericksburg by Alfred R. Waud via Wikimedia Commons.

William Clemmons final letter  in our Research Arsenal Collection was written over a year later, on December 31, 1862. In contrast to his early letters full of excitement and optimism, his tone in this letter was very somber, colored by his recent experience in battle.

“We have had a very hard fight near Fredericksburg the 13th of December and I reckon you have heard of it before now. James Tate got killed. I shot 44 rounds at them. I am confident that I killed some of them.

As for the army, I can’t say anything about the movements of it. All things are still and quiet. We are not looking for another fight soon. It is now Christmas so the boys call it but all things looks so gloomy that I cannot enjoy. I had one dram Christmas morning. That was the first I have had since I left home. Christmas has played out until this war stops and when we get home, times will be like they was in old days.”

On April 2, 1865, William Clemmons was captured at Petersburg and imprisoned at Lookout Point, Maryland. He was released on June 24, 1865 and returned home. He married Sarah Jane Bettes and together they had a son, William Edwin Clemmons, Jr. William Clemmons’ health never recovered from the strains of the war and he died on April 13, 1867.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these letters.

To read more of William Clemmons’ letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Henry Markham of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry and Charles Miller of the 140th New York Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 32: Henry Markham 2nd Illinois Cavalry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Markham was born in 1840 to Lane Markham and Margaret (Griffin) Markham of Laporte County, Indiana. Both of Henry Markham’s parents died when he was quite young and he was raised by his uncle, Horace Markham (or Marcum). The twenty letters in our Research Arsenal collection were all written by Henry Markham to his cousin, Sarah Markham, who was the daughter of Horace.

On August 6, 1861, Henry Markham enlisted Company H of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry. Several other cousins of Henry’s were also in the regiment. They were Archibald “Archie” Markham and his brother, Daniel Markham, who were the sons of Uriah and Elizabeth (Adams) Markham and Aaron J. Markham who was the son of Charles B. and Barbara (Harsh) Markham.

The 2nd Illinois Cavalry at Union City, Tennessee.

On April 6, 1862, Henry Markham wrote  to his cousin, Sarah, about their recent fighting at Union City, Tennessee. At the present time he was camped at Hickman, Kentucky, and described his current duties by saying, “We have but a small force here merely to keep down the bands of rebels who have hitherto been allowed to roam through the country unmolested.”

He then backtracked in time to talk about the successful battle against Confederate forces in Tennessee.

“Perhaps you have read it in the papers but for fear you have not, I will try and give you some of the particulars. On Sunday last about noon, Colonel [Napoleon] Buford landed here from Island No. 10 with a part of two regiments of infantry and was joined by three companies of cavalry and one battery of artillery consisting of four pieces and then we all started for Union City, Tennessee—a place about 14 miles from here where there was a rebel camp about 2,000 strong. We camped that night within four miles of them and attacked them the next morning [31 March 1862] just as they were at breakfast, taking [them] altogether by surprise. The cavalry was drawn up in front and fired a few shots at them but hardly one man out of ten had a chance to fire. I did not get a shot. The reason is we were not allowed to fire & while we were waiting for the artillery to get in position, they all fled, leaving almost everything behind them—even hot biscuits were on the table & I suppose they thought we were very ill mannered fellows to not allow them to finish their breakfast but we could not well help it. The artillery, however, fired a few shots at the enemy’s retreating cavalry. They killed two or three horses and one man left a piece of his leg with his dead horse. One or two of the pickets were also killed. None of our boys were hurt by the enemy but two of the artillery were badly burned by the gun being discharged too soon. There was one man badly wounded by one of their muskets going off in one of their tents while it was burning. Our boys got a good deal of plunder and much more was burned. Everything that could not be taken away was burned on the spot. Most of the tents was burned without ever looking in them. Some had guns, cartridges, and many other valuable things and it is said that they was going to burn one tent and a fellow hallowed inside and told them not to burn him and they went in and found a man tied in the tent. He was a man who had deserted from them and was to be shot in a few days but luckily for him, he was saved. We took about 90 horses and mules, and 15 wagons, and about 15 or 20 prisoners and a good many deserters came in and took the oath the next day.”

Continued Fighting and Skirmishes

Photo of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry via McLean County Museum of History.
Photo of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry via McLean County Museum of History.

Just two weeks after writing from Kentucky, Henry Markham and the 2nd Illinois Cavalry were at Groves Plantation, Louisiana, about 25 miles below Vicksburg. On April 21, 1862, Henry Markham wrote home about their new camp, as well as recent attack on their pickets.

“We moved here yesterday from about four miles back. We were at work all day yesterday fixing camp. We have got a nice camp now. About a week ago the rebels attacked our Cavalry pickets about a mile from this place. They crossed over the bayou in the night. About 500 men attacked our picket of about 25 men. They result was they wounded 2, captured 4 of our men, and some arms and horses and made good their escape across the bayou before we got to them. You will have doubtless heard before this reaches you of the gunboats & transports running the blockade. There was one of the transports that ran through came up this bayou day before yesterday and landed at our camp. I believe she did not get struck at all.”

In late August, 1862, the 2nd Illinois Cavalry were back in Tennessee, and faced a devastating loss in a skirmish against a much larger Confederate force. This skirmish resulted in the death of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg, who Henry Markham much admired. In a letter written on September 8, 1862, Henry Markham told his sister the details of the fight, though he was not a participant in it.

“We came here a week ago last Saturday and before we had been here one hour, four companies was sent out under Col. [Harvey] Hogg numbering in all about 200 men. But it so happened that our company was not sent out. They went but six miles and had one of the most severe skirmishes of the war. They made a charge which proved to be a fatal one to a number of our boys. Col. Hogg, one Lieutenant, and five or six others were killed. This regiment will miss Col. Hogg very much. He was Lieutenant-Colonel of this regiment and was by far the best officer in the the regiment. He always has had command of the part of the regiment that our company has been with and he was loved by all, I believe, without exception. And I do not think we ever will get another man as well suited to the place as he was. He was a native of this state and it will do them more good to kill him than almost any other man. He came from Bloomington, Illinois, and has no wife living but has two small children. I never shall forget the last time I saw him alive. He was riding through the camp just before starting out giving some command in his usual loud and stern voice and I thought he looked uncommon well. He had on a pair of white pants and a military cap and blue blouse which was an uncommon thing for him to wear. But alas, how the scene was changed in the short space of about 26 hours when his body was brought in riddled by seven balls, his boots, spurs, arms, and all his money was taken and his once white pants looked as though they never was of that color. The flesh of his face around his mouth was all gone and it looked really frightful. And so ended a truly great man a braver man never drew his sword in defense of his country’s right.”

Henry Markham and the Battle of Holly Springs, Mississippi.

Illustration of Holly Springs, Mississippi, where Henry Markham was stationed, from Harper’s Weekly issue dated January 10, 1863 via archive.org
Illustration of Holly Springs, Mississippi from Harper’s Weekly issue dated January 10, 1863 via archive.org

On December 20, 1862, Confederate General Earl Van Dorn led a raid against the Union supply depot at Holly Springs, Mississippi. The raid resulted in the capture of numerous Union forces and the destruction of 1.5 million dollars’ worth of supplies.

The 2nd Illinois Cavalry was at Holly Springs during the raid, and Henry Markham’s letter from January 2, 1863, paints a picture of confusion as well as a daring rescue of his cousin, Daniel Markham.

“I now take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to let you know that I am still alive. You have doubtless heard that we were attacked at Holly Springs on the 20th of last month by the rebels under [General] Van Dorn and [Colonel] Jackson, 6,000 strong. There were about 300 of our cavalry there. There was some infantry there but they did not do any fighting worth naming. Our boys fought them about 2 hours and left the place to the Rebels. They staid there only about 5 hours and the place was occupied by our troops the next morning. There was eight killed in our regiment but one in our company [Jacob Oertel] was mortally wounded. He died just a week after the fight. He was from Macomb. There was eight wounded in our company. Dan [Markham] was shot through the thigh—a flesh wound. I think he will soon get well. He was sent to the hospital at Jackson, Tennessee. Aaron [Markham] had a ball pass through his hat scraping his head clear to the skull but it did him no material damage, He also had his horse wounded so he is not fit for service. Archey [Markham] lost his horse and escaped on foot. They took Daniel prisoner but we charged back into our camp and released him and several others and took about a dozen of them prisoners. Got our overcoats and blankets and left the camp. I saved yours and Charles’ likeness but lost it the next day out of my pocket which I regret very much. The rest of the boys of your acquaintance got through without a scratch but I tell you, the balls whistled a little closer than I like to have them.”

On January 23, 1863, Henry Markham wrote another letter to Sarah mentioning the raid at Holly Springs, Mississippi. The letter was written on a sheet of paper containing Special Field Orders No. 33, 13th Army Corps, Department of the Tennessee dated December 23, 1862, in which General Grant made special mention of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry at Holly Springs. After castigating the general conduct of the forces during the raid, Grant wrote:

“It is gratifying to notice in contrast with this, the conduct of a portion of the Command, conspicuous among whom was the Second Illinois Cavalry, who gallantly and successfully resisted being taken prisoners. Their loss was heavy, but the enemy’s was much greater. Such conduct as their’s will always insure success.”

In his letter, Henry Markham told his sister, “I will not say anything about the fight at Holly Springs for I suppose you have heard all about it before this but I send Grant’s order on this sheet and you can see what he thinks of our regiment.”

Although his cousins reenlisted in the 2nd Illinois Cavalry, Henry Markham did not and mustered out with the rest of the nonveterans on August 11, 1864. He married Margaret Smart in 1868 and died on June 6, 1883.

To read more of Henry Markham’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Charles Miller of the 140th New York Infantry and Cornelius Van Houten of the 1st New Jersey Artillery.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 31: Charles Miller 140th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Miller was born in 1843 to Ransom Randolph Miller and Francis “Fanny” Maria (Warner) Miller of Gates, New York. In August, 1862, he enlisted in Company D of the 140th New York Infantry, giving his age as 20 instead of 19.

In his collection of 34 letters home on the Research Arsenal, Charles Miller recounts his participation in many battles as well as daily camp life. The letters span nearly his entire length of service, from September, 1862 to April, 1865.

Charles Miller and the Battle of Fredericksburg

"The stone-wall" at foot of Marye's Heights held by Cobb's Brigade, C.S.A., Dec. 13, 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg.
“The stone-wall” at foot of Marye’s Heights held by Cobb’s Brigade, C.S.A., Dec. 13, 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg.

After several months guarding Washington, D.C., the 140th New York Infantry saw heavy fighting at the Battle of Fredericksburg, in December, 1862. Charles Miller wrote about his experiences in letter to his parents written on December 22, 1862.

“ As I have little time, I will try and tell you a little of the fight at Fredericksburg.

Thursday the 11th, we left for the march about 4 o’clock in the morning. We traveled nearly 4 miles when we were halted to wait for orders. We had not stopped long before we had to move on so then went on till about one mile from the city where we again stopped at the foot of a hill so that the rebels could not see us. When we got there, our batteries had opened fire upon the city and before long they had it in flames. We lay there nearly two days. At night I went to look at the desolated city as it was in flames. It was a splendid sight to behold.

Saturday morning [13 December] we are still here but it is pretty foggy and the batteries are still. About noon they opened fire from both sides at a horrible rate but our batteries soon silenced their guns as they could not throw their shells over to our batteries. Along in the afternoon, our infantry opened a tremendous fire upon the rebel’s entrenchments. We were then called into line for to cross the river. We left at 4 o’clock and just as we were approaching the pontoon bridge, a shell from one of the rebel batteries burst right in front of our company. It made the boys dodge, I tell you. At last we got across and we marched up one of the streets [and] out on the field of battle with the shells and bullets a flying over our heads.

We were at last ordered to lay down on our arms to be ready at a moment’s warning. We had not been there long when the firing ceased on both sides and we stayed there till next morning when we were ordered back to the city where we stayed two days. The next day I went to look on the field of battle but they did not let us go out of the yard as the rebel sharpshooters would pick our men off as we lay about 200 yards from the field. I could see the dead lying all over the field. I then went into some of the houses and of all the scenes to behold, was in that city. There was not one house in the city, I think, that did not have a cannon ball through it.

At last we were ordered back on the other side of the river in the night. It was raining and it was very muggy. At last we got across and stayed till the next day when we went back to our old camp where we are still. How long we will remain here, I cannot tell.”

Soon after the Battle of Fredericksburg, Charles Miller ran afoul of military law when he was accused of straggling during the Mud March of January, 1863.

The Court Martial of Charles Miller

In a letter written on February 24, 1863, Charles Miller informed his parents that he was still under guard since being apprehended, and told them the course of events that led him to be charged with both straggling and cowardice.

“They still have us under guard in a large tent but we can go anywhere in the regiment but have to have a guard to go with us most of the time. They court-martialed us on the 12th but we have not got our sentences yet but probably will on the next dress parade. They had the charges against us desertion and cowardice but we are not guilty of them charges and so we plead not guilty on them charges but we plead guilty on straggling so we do not know what they will make out of it. But I suppose that you know that they can do as they please or take a notion.

You wanted to know how it happened and all the particulars. I will tell you. On the second march it happened. We left or rather the regiment noon and they had not gone over three or four miles when we stopped in the woods for the night and during the night it commenced raining very hard and continued until nearly night the next day. Early in the morning of the first day the bugle was blown for to fall in and be ready to march at any moment. At last we started on the second day’s march—the mud about one foot deep and besides, in the clay, it would stick to shoes so that it was all that we could do to get along. But we made out to get about three miles and then I had to fall out where we waited for a few moments and then started for a house which we found. We then went into it and stayed nearly two hours. we made some coffee while we was there and after a little while we started off but could not find the direction that the regiment had gone in and so we got lost and that night we lay in the woods and in the morning of the next day we started off again and about noon the cavalry scouts picked us up and took us to their headquarters and kept us two days and then took us to our general’s headquarters where they kept us ten days and then brought us back to our regiment and put us under guard where we are still. I have told you as near as I can about it and I hope that you will not feel bad over it as I could not help it but I hope that it has learned me a lesson that I never will forget.”

The charge of cowardice was dropped, but even in March, the situation was unresolved. Charles Miller wrote another letter home on March 18, 1863 where he revealed, that he had undergone another court martial. “The 13th they gave me another court martial but I think that they cannot make nothing out of it no more than they did before as it did not amount to much.”

Eventually Charles Miller was found guilty of straggling and as punishment was put to work in various locations including Aquia Landing and the Old Capital Prison in Washington, D.C. He seems to have borne the punishment well, and wrote  home to his friends about his current duties on May 10, 1863.

“ We are still at Fort No. 2 at work on the boat for our army to retreat on if they should have to retreat from the place. We are still under the same captain of the First Maryland Battery. He is a very fine officer. I suppose that you have heard of the seven days fighting at Fredericksburg and how the cavalry made some very great dashes in the rebel lines. During the fight there was some of the terrible firing of artillery and siege guns that I ever heard. There was one day that we was awaken about half past three to be ready at five o’clock to go to Brooks Station to put up tents for the wounded soldiers which was done with willing hearts. We waited all day there and coming home to our place at night we could see the flash of the heavy guns on the hills at the city.

Along in the afternoon as we was at work, the train came in with a load of wounded—some of them shot in the hand and legs and with their arms broken and some of them shot through the top of the head.”

Less than a week later, on May 16, 1863, Charles wrote home with good news. He had managed to get his sentence commuted and would return to fight with the 140th New York Infantry.

“I suppose you was a little surprised to hear I had been released. Probably you had rather had me remain where I was for the remainder of my time. As for my part, I could not see it in that light. To be sure, there was no danger of my being shot, but the idea of having a dis[honorable] at the expiration of my term of enlistment was what I dislike and which if I obtained I never would have shown myself within the limits of Monroe County. There is no person that can say I am a coward and am afraid to enter a battle. If there is, I want nothing to with that person in anyway if ever I return to my home. If I was a coward, I never would [have] tried as hard as I did to be returned to my command. I not only wrote to the Colonel but to the War Department and had Mr. Wood, the Superintendent of Military Prisoners, to try and do what he could for me. And I must own that it was partly by his influence that I had my sentence commuted.”

Petersburg, Globe Tavern, and Ream’s Station

A bombproof shelter for the soldiers during the siege of Petersburg, August 10, 1864
A bombproof shelter for the soldiers during the siege of Petersburg, August 10, 1864

After returning to the 140th New York Infantry, Charles Miller fought at numerous engagements, including at Petersburg in June and July, 1864. One June 28, 1864 he wrote a letter  to his parents datelined from the “Line of Battle before Petersburg, Va.”

“The weather is very pleasant today, it being cooler than for some time past. Last night it rained a little—not enough to make it muddy here as the land is very sandy & the surface will not hold water long. The pickets will keep up a continual fire—also the artillery at intervals. Sometimes they have a duel which lasts probably an half hour & then all is quiet. Last night the mortars were throwing shells all night, some of them bursting high in the air, making a beautiful sight to look upon. We expect to be attacked every evening but they have not up to now. The boys are all in good spirits and ready to meet the enemy at any moment. I rather think we can give them a good trial.”

On July 9, 1864 he wrote again about the fighting around Petersburg.

“Yesterday the artillery kept up a continual fire along our part of the line only at intervals when all would be silent. Between the hours of 4 and five last evening the artillery opened with a rapid fire on both sides. Also there was heavy musketry at the right. As far as I can learn, the Rebels tried to stop some of our forces that were detailed to work throwing up a fort which when finished has a good range of the country for some miles around. They did not succeed in capturing the fort for they were driven back in rather double quick time.

Our line of works are impregnable—also that of the enemy’s. We have a palisade nearly the whole line as well as telegraph wire. The artillery continued their fire at intervals today up to now. Our line advances at some points. The other night was to straighten it a little. The night of the 7th they kept up a continual fire all the night through making it impossible to sleep much.”

On August 26, 1864, Charles Miller wrote home from the “Line of Battle near Ream’s Station,” apprising them of the recent fighting the 140th New York Infantry had been in.

“Our Corps broke camp on the morning of the 18th, it being very pleasant, but after a few hours march, we began to feel the heat of the sun & before reaching the railroad a large number were sun struck. I did not feel very well on arriving there as the sun had such an effect on my head. We took position on the road with but little skirmishing in the forenoon. Immediately after arriving there the First Division commenced their work of destruction by tearing the track up and down & afterwards knocking the ties from off the T. rail & piling them up and putting the soil across the ties, set fire to them, when they became hot enough the heat would bend them nearly double. The Second Division & others forming a line of battle to meet any opposition the enemy might make. Everything went along finely until about noon when a large body of the enemy could be distinctly be seen moving toward us & putting a battery into position. They opened up on workmen with solid shot & shell. But a few well directed shots from our battery knocked them out of position. The Second Division forming on the right of the railroad advanced through a piece of woods where they met the enemy, driving them back. But the Rebels, forming another line, advanced on our right & completely flanking our regiment. We had nothing on our right, being some distance in advance here. We was compelled to retreat or lose all in prisoners.

The boys, however, managed to get through the woods & forming another line was ready to meet the Johnnies, but they did not attack us that night. We held the battleground all that night & a part of the next day. Our loss was very light in the 18th.

On the morning of the 19th we commenced to make our works stronger and part of the works being right on the railroad for our company facing Petersburg between 3 & 4 o’clock in the afternoon. The enemy, throwing a strong force on our right, broke our line and completely flanked us, driving us [illegible]… of the other boys when to my great surprise on looking to the right where the [ ] had his quarters during the day. I seen the Rebel’s colors flying & the first thing I knew a Reb came up with fixed bayonet right on the opposite side of the track [illegible] me prisoner a few moments but [illegible] a chance to escape took to my heals as fast as possible [illegible]. I expect to ever have the privilege of writing to you again on that day when the shells were flying over my head as I was retreating. We fell back & formed a strong line & again advanced & drove the enemy back to their lines. Here we again held the battleground. Our loss was very light in killed and wounded but we lost a large number of prisoners by their flanking us. During all this time it was raining quite hard. I lost the regiment in this excitement & could not find them until the next day.

The 20th we was to work throwing up breastworks all day. At night the order came to close them down and fall back part way across an open field where we again established another line of works. On the morning of the 21st it was my turn to go out on the skirmish line. The order was to advance & draw the enemy from their works if possible. After a little brisk skirmishing, the enemy advanced in a strong line of battle driving us into our works. The ball then opened [illegible] on the left of the railroad, the Johnnies thought they had attacked us on the extreme left but to their great surprise found our line extended a great deal farther than they had any idea of.

G. Warren had marked his batteries at this point & when the enemy had advanced to within a few hundred yards of the pieces they opened upon them with canister, spreading destruction in their ranks. They could withstand the terrible fire no longer. Showing signs of surrender, the batteries was ordered to cease firing which was done. Here we captured a large number of prisoners. This ended the conflict for the day, all but the [illegible] which kept up a continual fire all the afternoon.

Yesterday the enemy as far as I can learn attacked Hancock on our left. They charged three times & were badly defeated with heavy loss. Our Corps held itself in readiness for an attack at any point the enemy should attempt to break through.”

Charles Miller continued to serve in the 140th New York Infantry through the end of the war. He mustered out with his company on June 3, 1865. He was twice married. First, to Harriet A. Hart (1851-1922) and second to Salina Mae Hinton (1858-1921.) Charles Miller died in 1912.

To read more of Charles Miller’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these letters.

To read more about some of our many featured collections, check out the articles on Cornelius Van Houten of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery  and Albert Jenkins Barnard of the 116th New York Infantry.

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 30: Cornelius Van Houten 1st New Jersey Light Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Cornelius Van Houten was born in 1841 to Ruliff “Ralph” Van Houten and Catherine (Van Wagoner) Van Houten of Pompton Plains, New Jersey. Before the war he had campaigned for Abraham Lincoln, and in September, 1861, he enlisted in Battery B of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery.

In the early months of his service, Cornelius Van Houten’s duties were most concerned with drilling. Each man had to learn very specific duties in order to load and fire the artillery pieces correctly and efficiently. Still, by November, 1861, he felt he was getting the hang of things and wrote to his mother in a letter dated November 8, 1861.

“This is the first opportunity I have had for writing to you. You must forgive me. We have been so busy getting our guns, horses, and everything, but now we have everything ready for action. We are drilling our best but don’t drill so very hard. We only have to drill three hours a day. It was a great deal harder work to get ready.”

Cornelius Van Houten and the Potomac

A Battery at Chain Bridge, Washington, DC, overlooking the Potomac River.
A Battery at Chain Bridge, Washington, DC, overlooking the Potomac River.

In a letter dated November 24, 1861, Cornelius Van Houten wrote home about his impressions of the Potomac River, which his father had evidently requested a description of.

“You wanted me to tell you how the Potomac is. I cannot say much about it for I have not seen much of it. But what I have seen of it, it is on one side very smooth and level. That is on the side next to Washington. And on the other [side] it is rocky and very broken. The river is not very deep but it is a wide one. The water is very muddy and so is all the little creeks and brooks. The water is very much tainted with lime. When I first drank it, it tasted very bad and gave me the dysentery pretty bad. But I soon got used to it. I don’t mind it at all now. It tastes as good as any other.”

Bad water and dysentery were common themes throughout Cornelius Van Houten’s service due to the frequently poor conditions of life in the field. In October, 1862, he was hospitalized in Newport News, Virginia, but hoped to return to his battery soon.

“Dr. J.G. Ryerson says I must not go yet for he thinks I am hardly fit for duty yet. But if I stay here much longer, the boys in the Battery will call me a “Dead beat”—a term very often used by our soldiers if anyone plays off so I intend to return as soon as possible. He thinks that if I would stay here a couple of weeks longer, I could get to go north but the chances are so slim I hardly think I will make it out, and if I should stay and not get home, I should miss this great battle which is about to take place. That you would not like to see me lying here idle while the rest of my countrymen are fighting hard and winning glory, honor and fame. I came here to fight and not to be in the hospital and since I have been out here, I have learned to bear trials and disappointments and I think if ever I return once more to duty, you will never hear of anymore complaints.”

New Recruits in the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery

By early February, 1864, the Battery B of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery had taken on quite a number of new recruits. For the men like Cornelius Van Houten who had already served two and half years, these new men proved to be source of both pity and amusement. In a letter written on February 1, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten told his father about the recent death of a new recruit, brought on by indulging in too much whiskey from the sutler.

“There has been three deaths since I left here and once since. They are all new recruits. Most of them die by overloading their stomachs with army food. One, I believe, died from the effects of drinking too much sutler’s whiskey. It is nothing but poison. I wouldn’t touch one drop of it for fear it would kill me.”

After spending most of the time in winter quarters with actual bunks, the new recruits had to adjust to sleeping out in the field. On March 3, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten wrote  about a five day reconnaissance some of the men of his battery went on, and the difficult time the new recruits had.

“The second night we were out it rained and it was very muddy. We had to build large fires and make beds of rails which did not sleep very comfortable—especially for the new men. We done well enough though. But the third night we were out it rained and snowed both and we all got wet through. It made a very bad time. But Clark’s Battery is never discouraged. We made a very large fire and sat around it all night singing and making all the fun imaginable of the new recruits who went around shivering and cursing everything and everybody. They thought it a pretty severe initiation but we are all now back to camp and I don’t know as there is any bones broke—at least there is none in our division unless it is some chicken bones that we captured while we were out.”

Spotsylvania Court House and The Wilderness

View on the Battlefield of Spotsylvania Court House taken on May 12, 1864. Cornelius Van Houten and the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery fought at this battle.
View on the Battlefield of Spotsylvania Court House taken on May 12, 1864.

In May, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten and the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery embarked at what Cornelius felt was the hardest campaign of the war so far. Battery B fought at the battles of the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and Spotsylvania Court House. The intense fighting left little time for letter writing, and so on May 16, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten wrote  home to catch them up on the news.

“We have been fighting from the fourth [of May]. Our Battery has not been engaged all the time but the army has. We have been marched and countermarched and with little or nothing to eat so long that we are all played out. There has not been much fighting today so we can have a little rest and get some grub.

Our army has lost heavily in killed and wounded but we are victorious. Thank God we have a commander that knows how to use the johnnies up. I do not know whether the news is true or not but we have heard some very favorable news. There is no use of me telling you the news for you know better than I do. All I can tell you is myself and the boys thank God I am safe and sound yet. But God only knows how long I may be so. Only one of our boys is wounded. That is Peter Van Dyne [Vandine]. He was wounded in the arm on the 10th. They say he has gone to the Newark Hospital. You must look for him when you go down.

All the rest of us are well and ready to go wherever General Grant may want us. We are either going to erase the Rebels from Virginia or we are going to get whipped but I believe Grant will lose his whole army before he will let General Lee whip him. This is the hardest campaign we have ever been in and I hope it may be the last. We have fought hard enough already to have peace but the Rebels are a stubborn set of men. They will not give up till they are all killed or taken prisoners and I hope that may be pretty soon. After this summer, I don’t think there will be much left of the Army of the Potomac. We have had reinforcement to a good extent. I do not know how many. We have full confidence in our general for he is a praying man and God will prosper those who look to him for assistance.”

The Peter Vandine that was wounded at the battle was discharged on September 14, 1864. As the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery continued fighting in 1864 tension emerged between the men like Cornelius Van Houten who decided to reenlist and those that planned on mustering out at the expiration of their term. In a letter written from Petersburg on June 19, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten detailed the rift that had formed.

“We have had some very hard fighting since we started and some hard marches but nobody complains—only those who expect to go home soon. There is about sixty men left now of the old men who expect to go home and they are all the time complaining about everything. Most of them that did not reenlist have Copperhead fathers and they will swear and curse everybody and anything that has anything to do with the war. They are all them damning us that reenlisted. I had a quarrel with one of them last night. He and another one was blowing that this Battery would be a great thing after they went home as if they were the only good men in it. It made me fighting mad right away. And said there would be nothing but bounty jumpers and cowards left and the very same man I have known to run more than once, and he has to be forced up to the front now, and I have always been to the front. He backed down though or I would have soon seen who was the biggest coward. But he would not give me the chance. I would think of settling with those cowards at home but I don’t wish to do such dirty work. I want something more noble than to whip a coward. They are not worthy of the notice of an old soldier and this one will not notice them either as long as they stay away from me.”

By August, he had a kinder tone, though Cornelius Van Houten did not think the men departing would receive the welcome they were hoping for.

“ I hope we will not have any more fighting till the boys goes home. I should hate very much to see any of them get killed now when their time is so near out and after surviving three years faithfully. They are all making great preparations and it is laughable to hear them tell what they will do when they get home for I know just how much they will do. They will not realize half the pleasure they expect to for most of their old acquaintances will be either dead in the army or married. I know by experience all about it. They will find things so much changed that they will be either back in the army or in the Alms House before they are aware of it. I do not wish to see one of them back in this service for it is going beyond endurance.”

Cornelius Van Houten continued to serve with his regiment until the end of the war. In a letter written on April 19, 1865, he wrote about his happiness over the end of the war and his pride in being part of the Army of the Potomac.

“Yesterday we received an official dispatch of Johnson’s surrender on the same terms as Lee. Yes, I say your boys helped put it down an it is the proudest part of our lives. I have never been sorry that I came down here and now I would not part with the knowledge of what I have seen for the best farm in the country for it will be an honor to anyone to say they belonged to the Army of the Potomac.”

Cornelius Van Houten was discharged on June 16, 1865. He returned home to his wife and family in Pompton Plains and died on May 4, 1916.

To read more of Cornelius Van Houten’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Albert Jenkins Barnard of the 116th New York Infantry and Jacob Claar of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry.

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 29: Albert Jenkins Barnard 116th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Albert Jenkins Barnard was born in 1841 to Albert Barnard and Elizabeth Atwater (Jenkins) Barnard of Buffalo, New York. His father died in 1849, and he had one brother, Lewis, who he mentions frequently in his letters.

On August 13, 1862, Albert Jenkins Barnard enlisted in the 116th New York Infantry as was mustered in as captain of company B.

Albert Jenkins Barnard and the Lieutenants of Company B

Photo of a young Albert Jenkins Barnard.
Photo of a young Albert Jenkins Barnard via Findagrave.com

After taking command of his company, Albert Jenkins Barnard found himself dissatisfied with both lieutenants under his command. The first hint of trouble showed in a letter  he wrote to his brother, Lewis, advising him not to enlist unless he could be an officer.

“I don’t think much of my lieutenants and think they will soon be ousted. Let me say here, don’t enlist as a private on any account. Do not accept any position lower than Orderly [Sergeant]. Camp duty is mighty hard, although we have some nice times. You ought not to accept a position lower than 2nd Lieutenant.”

On September 22, 1862, Albert Jenkins Barnard wrote to his mother about the situation, including some positive words about their Colonel, Edward Payson Chapin.

“We all like Col. Chapin very much. He is a much better officer than we supposed. He gives his orders splendidly and handles his men like a veteran. Major Love—he too is a bully officer. We have got a fine regiment and very few poor officers. But they won’t be permitted to stay long. Two of them, I regret to say, are in Co. B. I guess they will both have to leave this week. Willis, the 1st Lt. is a disagreeable fellow. The men don’t like him at all and he can’t learn military. When I returned from Baltimore Saturday, he was drilling the company. As soon as they saw me, they gave me three cheers. Corbett (the 2nd Lt.) is a very clever, good sort of a countryman, but he can’t drill and never can learn. I feel very sorry for him. The Colonel says I shall have John Dobbins just as soon as he can arrange matters.”

In October, 1862, things came to a head and both First Lieutenant Leander Willis and Second Lieutenant Daniel Corbett were replaced. In the case of Leander Willis, he faced rather serious accusations which forced his resignation, as Albert Jenkins Barnard detailed in a letter written on October 4, 1862.

“I have really been very busy of late; more so the last week on account of having no Lieutenants. Yes, Corbitt (my 2nd) resigned last Monday. Col. Chapin advised it as it was clear enough to us all that he could never make an officer, that the men wouldn’t have any confidence in. Willis is a scamp, and had his choice to resign or be disgraced. About three weeks ago he borrowed my muster roll and carried it to Washington where, through a sharper, he laid claims against the government for about one thousand dollars. He claimed that he had spent about that much for board for the men, from the time they went to Camp Morgan to live; which is all a humbug. The boys are all from the country and lived at home till they went to camp. When Mr. Willis returned from Washington the Colonel sent for him and told him that he knew all about his performances, and that his resignation would be accepted, and the soon he sent it in the better. So in it went and out he went. They, the Lieutenants, are still in camp. Corbitt will probably be appointed postmaster or something else but Willis will have to skedaddle.”

The “Little Captain”

After sorting out his junior officers, the next task that consumed Albert Jenkins Barnard was making sense of the expenses that occurred while the company was first being formed. On the first muster roll of the 116th New York Infantry, the captain of company B was given as Joseph E. Ewell, however he seems to have left shortly after the regiment was formed and Albert Jenkins Barnard had his suspicions that Ewell never seriously intended to stay on as captain.

“A captain is responsible for all company property; we all have to take receipts from the men for everything that they draw. The receipts for this company were given to the Quarter Master so all I have to go by is the word of the men. However, I have got the men to sign the clothing book as I am all sound there. I expect to be out something but cannot tell how much. Most of the captains are out from forty to sixty dollars worth but mine won’t be near that. I think if Capt. Ewell had really intended going with his company, he would not have let things run at odds and ends as they did. This I found out after I got here and have had to straighten out myself. He did not take a single receipt that he delivered. Now don’t let this bother you for I am all right now and am much better off than most of the captains.”

Albert Jenkins Barnard was also concerned with making sure his men drilled well and maintained a clean appearance. Despite his strict nature when it came to discipline, he also managed to acquire the nickname “the little captain,” which the men all found very amusing. He detailed the story as well as his duties to his mother in a letter  written October 26, 1862.

“John Dobbins and I still run the company alone as my first lieutenant has not arrived yet though I expect him every day now and we run it “bull,” as you may know from what the Colonel told Dr. [C. B.] Hutchins the other day after dress parade. He said, “Co. B is the best in my regiment” and the “little captain is a brick.” I am known here as the little captain and now I will tell you why. While I was messing with Lt. Jones and others one day, I was late to dinner and Jones told his servant—a little Dutch boy—to run and tell Capt. Barnard that dinner was getting cold. He stopped a minute and then said, “de cline capting?” which is, if pronounced as spelled here, the little captain. The boys all think it is a good joke and so that is my name. But nevertheless, my company can beat all others in the regiment in drill and appearance; on drill and dress parade. I punish all who appear without clean brasses and bright shoes by putting them on guard. At first I had a great many, but now scarcely ever have one.”

The 116th New York Infantry at Ship Island

Illustration of Ship Island from January 4, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly.
Illustration of Ship Island from January 4, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly via Wikimedia Commons.

In December, 1862, the 116th New York Infantry set out for Ship Island, Mississippi. The voyage was long and stormy, and Albert Jenkins Barnard wrote a detailed account of it in a letter to his mother on December 14, 1862.

“After ten days sail, we find ourselves at Ship Island and ordered to New Orleans. On Thursday the 4th, we pulled up our anchor and started out to sea. When off Cape Henry (1 p.m.), we stopped till the rest of the fleet came out which was about 9 in the evening. We then all started together in two lines, seven ships in each line—the Baltic leading one, and we the other.

We kept together till the following noon when the wind commenced blowing and three dropped out and ran close to shore. About this time there were a great many sick aboard the ship. The wind kept increasing till midnight and I tell you what, it was a grand sight. The moon shone bright and the waves somewhat high. It was impossible to stand anywhere without holding on to something. From the deck, it looked as if ever time our bow went down that it was going under, but when the wave came she would rise again and part it and send the spray all over the ship. And once in awhile, a wave would roll clear over the paddle boxes. Perhaps you will have some idea of the force of the wind when I saw that it would take the tops off the waves and blow the water as it does the dust from the dirt piles in our streets.”

On December 21, 1862, Albert Jenkins Barnard wrote another letter, this time detailing the island itself.

“We get along very nicely although this is such a sandy, wild place. There is nothing but sand for four miles. Then there is a swamp that reaches nearly from shore to shore and in the swamp Alligators and a species of palm tree. Further on is a sort of prairie covered with tall rushes which are so long that they will reach a man’s knees when riding on horseback. About six miles from here is a beautiful little lake in which are plenty of fish and lots of ducks. We are having a better time here than I supposed we would. We have been living on oranges and oysters since we came here.”

While on Ship Island, the 116th New York Infantry celebrated Christmas in a rather unique way by having senior officers and the non-commissioned officers and privates change roles for the day. Albert Jenkins wrote about the day in a letter written on January 2, 1863 after the regiment had moved to Greenville, Louisiana.

“Christmas Day the command was turned over the non-commissioned officers and privates. Christmas Eve the companies held their elections for Captain &c. and then the officers so chosen deleted the field officers. Sergt. John Rohan of Co. D was the Colonel, a boy from Co. A the Lt. Colonel, and one of the color corporals was Major. These officers were to do the best they could and they did first rate. Went through with guard mounting and dress parade without making a mistake.

John Higgins was detailed as corporal of the first relief and I corporal of the 3rd. Most of the others had to stand guard. Some of the men would run the guard and then the officer in command would send me with a guard to arrest them. They kept us running, I tell you. They had most of the officers in the guard house. It was a very warm day. Those not on duty were around without their coats.”

Albert Jenkins Barnard was discharged on July 29, 1863 after being promoted to lieutenant colonel but never being mustered as such. After the war he married Clara Sizer, who was the sister of William Sizer who was frequently mentioned in his letters. Albert Jenkins Barnard died on January 10, 1916 at the age of 74.

To read the full collection of letters by Albert Jenkins Barnard and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Jacob Claar of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry and William Fish of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry.

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 28: Jacob Claar 138th Pennsylvania Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Jacob Claar was born June 19, 1865 to Simon Walter Claar and Rachel Alice (Croyle) Claar. His father, Simon, died in 1849 leaving Rachel with 8 children to care for. In 1859, Jacab Claar married his cousin, Christina Claar, and they had two sons together, Austin and Samuel. Jacob Claar enlisted as a private in Company E of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry on August 29, 1862.

The 20 letters in the Research Arsenal collection are all addressed to Christina Claar. Many of the letters also contain short greetings to “Fiddler” which was a nickname for Christina Claar’s father, Joseph Claar.

Jacob Claar at Camp Relay, Maryland

1858 Engraving of the Thomas Viaduct from The United State Illustrated, edited by Charles Dana.
1858 Engraving of the Thomas Viaduct from The United States Illustrated, edited by Charles Dana via Wikimedia Commons.

The earliest letters in the collection were written by Jacob Claar while the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry was stationed at Camp Relay, Maryland, and the regiment was tasked with guarding the nearby railroad.

In a letter  written September 25, 1862, Jacob Claar told his wife, “I will do nothing but drill a little and keep my gun clean.” He went on to describe the place he was currently situated:

“We are on a high place, We can see a great ways. We can see [the Fort] Dix Battery. I was at their place. I suppose there will be a battle. The rebels want to break the railroad bridge. Our men have six cannons planted on the battery.”

The railroad bridge referred to was the Thomas Viaduct, built between 1833 and 1835, which was at one time the longest railroad bridge in the United States. It spans the Patapsco River and is still in service to this day.

As the seasons moved toward winter, Jacob Claar and the men of the 138th Pennsylvania had to deal with unforgiving weather. On October 8, 1862 he wrote, “Yesterday was a very rough day. The snow was seven inches deep—the worst day we had here yet.”

On October 14, 1862, Jacob Claar wrote a bit more about their duties guarding the railroad.

“We are guarding the railroad twenty-six miles from Washington City. I will inform you that we have as much bread and crackers and bacon as would fatten a small pig. The first one stands till midnight and the other three o’clock, the third till daylight, and in day time we lay in our tents and take our ease.”

The 138th Pennsylvania Infantry in 1863

The 138th Pennsylvania Infantry remained station at Relay House, Maryland, guarding the train until June, 1863. Before they left, Jacob Claar wrote about an incident of theft in the regiment in a letter dated June 4, 1863.

“I will inform you that William Helzel stole fifty dollars in money off our captain and he run away and they followed him to Baltimore and they caught him and he gave up the money and they brought [him] back to camp & suppose he must serve his time on the rip raps.”

On August 4, 1863, Jacob Claar wrote a letter about the regiment’s recent engagement at Manassas Gap, Virginia.

“I will inform you that we had a very hard march since the 16th of June. We have been almost everywhere since that time. Our Corps was in a little fight in the Manassas Gap. I seen shooting for several hours and the Rebs retreated and our troops followed them up. We were within three hundred yards of their cannonading. We had no cannons there. Our troops charged their battery and they run like forty. There was only a blue streak of them left. I will inform you that I heard the shells whistle in the air & saw thousands of Rebel prisoners since we are down here.

On the first of his month, there was a fight at Culpeper Court House with Stewart’s Cavalry. The whipped the Rebs complete. The Union troops got into them with artillery, infantry and cavalry. They knocked them higher than a kite.”

Jacob Claar also talked about his belief that the Union army would soon take Fort Wagner in South Carolina.

“I think that Fort Wagner and Sumter, [and] Charleston will soon fall. Our troops are within two hundred and fifty yards of Fort Wagner in rifle pits and they will fall some of these days. And when them three points are gone, I would not give a chew of tobacco for the South.”

Though it took a bit longer than Jacob Claar had hoped, the Confederate garrison withdrew from Fort Wagon on the night of September 6-7, 1863.

When Jacob Claar wrote home on December 24, 1863, it wasn’t with news of Christmas festivities but with news from the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry’s participation in the Mine Run campaign.

“We left and got after the Rebs. We chased them across the Rapidan River and sixteen miles to the south side of it. They made a stand at the Mine Run. We whipped them and drove them back to their fortifications. Then we retired to Brandy Station. The loss in our regiment is sixty-two—fifty-four wounded and 8 killed. There was two wounded in our company—David Burket and Henry Speck—both slight wounds. David was wounded in the hand with a buckshot. Speck was wounded in the head. Our Colonel was wounded in the heel. I felt sorry for him. He is a fine man. We all like him. We laid under the fire from half past three till six. It was a hot time. There was more noise than ever I heard before.”

Jacob Claar in 1864

Illustration of the Battle of Cedar Creek made in 1890 and published by Kurz & Allison.
Illustration of the Battle of Cedar Creek made in 1890 and published by Kurz & Allison via Wikimedia Commons.

In January, 1864, Jacob Claar and the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry were encamped near Brandy Station, Virginia. On January 28, 1864, he wrote home about his present circumstances.

“Our regiment is on picket now for three [days] and nights. I stayed in camp this time. Our camp looks nice and clean. The streets [are] swept clean. Today I bought two mackerel. I ate one for supper and the other for breakfast. I got two for a quarter…

…I will inform you that there is four deserters in the Second Division that [are] to be shot tomorrow some time. I had some notion [to] go and see them but I have a shanty to put up for a Lieutenant. I think I would rather work at that than to go see the fellows shot. I saw enough of men shot since I am here. All I ever care about. I would like to come home this winter if I can get a furlough. I will come home too.”

Similar to his words about having seen “enough of men shot,” in a February 18, 1864 letter Jacob Claar informed his wife that he would not be reenlisting at the expiration of his term.

“You wanted to know whether I reenlisted or not. There is no fear of it for I would not reenlist for all their greenbacks. I will try and get out of it. Once will do me, I think.”

On October 19, 1864 the 138th Pennsylvania fought at the Battle of Cedar Creek. Writing on October 21, 1864, Jacob Claar gave Christina Claar an overview of the battle.

“I will inform you that we had a hard battle on the 19th of this month. The Rebels drove the 8th and 19th Corps and the Old Sixth took them in hand and whipped them and drove them and took sixty pieces of artillery, ambulance, and wagons and prisoners. Quite a number. We lost one killed and two wounded in our company.”

At the time the battle was fought, the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry was part of the Sixth Corps which Jacob Claar credited with “whipping” the Confederate forces.

Jacob Claar musted out of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry on June 23, 1865 at Washington, D.C. After the war he and his wife had two more children, a daughter, Rebecca, and a son, Joseph. Jacob Claar passed away on October 12, 1912 at the age of 77.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

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If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections, like William Fish of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry and David Patten of the 35th Illinois Infantry.

 

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