Author: Gloria Wickman

Research Arsenal Spotlight 74: Alfred McClay 114th Pennsylvania Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Alfred McClay was just 16 years old when he enlisted in Company E, 114th Pennsylvania Infantry. He was born in 1846 to Aaron and Margaret McClay. Both his parents died young and he lived with his aunt and uncle, John and Emily (McClay) Ryner. In his letters he addresses his aunt as “mother.”

The 114th Pennsylvania Infantry in Maryland and Virginia

Photograph of an unidentified soldier (not Alfred McClay) of the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry which shows the regiment’s distinctive uniform.
Photograph of an unidentified soldier of the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry which shows the regiment’s distinctive uniform via Central Virginia Battlefields Trust.

After being organized in August, 1862, the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry was sent south toward Washington, DC, passing through Baltimore along the way. On September 9, 1862, Alfred McClay wrote home about two separate incidents related to gun safety in the new regiment, one of which resulted in tragedy.

“In Saturday morning one of the men in Company H, while cleaning his revolver, one of the barrels was accidentally discharged, the ball passing through his pants tearing them to pieces but didn’t graze the skin and went into the ground. In the afternoon, Corporal [John] Bell of Co. B while cleaning his rifle in the company’s avenue, there was one of his own men standing in front of him a short distance going through the manual of arms [and] not knowing the piece was loaded, he aimed at his [Bell’s] head and pulled the trigger, and to his surprise the gun went off, the ball striking to the side of his nose and blowing out his left eye. He was taken in charge of the doctors and on Sunday morning early he was taken to the hospital and was soon after reported dead.”

On September 27, 1862, Alfred McClay wrote about his regiment traveling through northern Virginia and setting up a post near Bailey’s Crossroads.

“But after I sent the letter I found out that the whole regiment was to go out on picket on Wednesday morning. We got our great blue overcoats. We formed in line early in the morning and I tell you what it is, we looked gay with our new coats. We started off with the band and drum corps ahead and went back the road from Arlington Heights. The band left off at a short distance and then the drum corps struck up. When we got back about half a mile where some of our men were stationed on the inside picket and didn’t know that we got our coats, they asked what regiment it was when someone replied that it was the forty eleventh Smith’s Island and many other names. For the first three miles all the way back to Bailey’s Crossroads it was nothing but one big hill after another, just like the Schuylkill Hill opposite to Rockdale and such a poor, deserted country you never saw. Here and there a house with the sides all knocked in and nobody living in them and nothing but weeds and briars growing—no vegetation anywheres.

We went about two miles beyond the Crossroads and then struck off on a by-road to the left. Our company had 5 posts besides the Lieutenant’s headquarters. Each post had 5 men and 1 corporal which made the watch easy. I was on the reserve force and kept with the Lieutenant all day.”

A Spooky Time on Picket

In October, 1862, the 114th Infantry was stationed below Arlington Heights, Virginia. That month, Alfred McClay wrote home about his sergeant’s rather unorthodox method of testing the readiness of the pickets.

“When I went on at 9 o’clock, it had stopped raining and was pretty light by the moon. The corporal and the men kept close together in case of danger. We had to walk up and down the path of 60 yards. We had to keep a good look out as the posts were a good ways apart. Our sergeant came around just before 11 o’clock to try the men on guard. He has on a pair of white leggings that come way up to his knees and had his coat sleeves rolled so as to make himself look like a ghost. I saw him when he was about 15 yards off. I challenged him thus, “Halt, who comes there?!” Bringing my gun to an arms apost as we usually do, I had it loaded too. He replied, “Friend,” with the countersign. I called out, “Advance friend and give the countersign.” He came up and give it within 4 paces of me, then brought my piece to a shoulder arms to leave him pass. He thought he would try to get my gun but he wasn’t quite sharp enough. He says to me, “How do you come to an arms apost?” I brought my piece to an arms apost again to show him. He says, “Let me show you how to do it,” and he reached out for my piece but I dragged back on him and exclaimed, “No sir!” He says that is right and passed on. He tried 7 men that way and got 4 guns out of the 7 but he didn’t report them. He scared one man pretty near out of his wits. He stood in the bushes along the so as the sentinel couldn’t see him when he within twenty paces he stepped out suddenly before him in the path, the sentinel called out, “Ha, ha, ha, halt, oh mercy, how you scared me, Sergeant. The Colonel came around with the grand rounds about half past 3. He asked our corporal what he would do if the rebels shelled the woods. He said he would try to get us out quick. The Colonel told him he should put his men behind stumps and then the shells would not hit us and if cavalry come, we could pick them [off] and if infantry come, to fall back to the reserves and charge on them.”

A week later, on October 13, 1862, Alfred McClay wrote about a difficult march the regiment endured, and how his Captain helped him by carrying his gun part of the way.

“We crossed the bridge at Georgetown and passed through the town. Coming through the streets on the rough stones bruised my feet so that I could scarcely walk. At last we got on the turnpike that leads direct to Poolesville. It [took] very near all day. It was pretty cool too. We reached Rockville about half past 4 that afternoon after marching 18 miles. We encamped in a fair ground that night. After we would sit down to rest a few minutes and then get up, we [could] scarcely stand on our feet. The Captain said that my knapsack was 3 times as heavy as it ought to [be]. My woolen blanket—part of it—was soaking wet and my piece of tent was wet which made it very heavy. Each one of us carried our own piece of tent. The Captain seen that I was pretty near give out and that I tried my best to get along. He carried my gun over 2 miles for me but I hung on and got up to the regiment as it stopped. Hundreds of men gave out and straggled all along the road. Some of the men throwed away nearly everything but I held on to everything but one blue and white shirt. The road was strewn with every kind of articles that the men throwed away.”

Alfred McClay at the Battle of Fredericksburg

Painting of the Battle of Fredericksburg depicting the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry by Carl Rochling.
Painting of the Battle of Fredericksburg depicting the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry by Carl Rochling via Wikimedia Commons.

On November 20, 1862, Alfred McClay wrote a letter datelined “on the road to Fredericksburg.” In it he described the recent capture of Confederate forces and a friendly fire incident with artillery that fortunately did not result in any loss of life.

“We have captured some prisoners and horses and have got a good many things by foraging parties of the secesh. On November 7th it snowed very hard nearly all day. We marched a couple of miles and went into the woods and stood in line of battle for a long while, knapsacks and everything, still snowing until we got so cold that we had to make fires but we had to be careful and not make big ones so as the Rebs couldn’t tell where we were. The artillery went to the front on a hill. In a short time, as we were sitting around the fire, some of the men cooking meat, and one thing or another, all at once we were startled by the stunning report of one of the pieces. The boys all jumped up expecting to be taken into a fight almost every minute. For seven times boom went the gun but they soon found out their mistake as the troops we fired on knew that we were Union troops and they raised a white flag. It was some of our own cavalry. The shells bursted all around them but by the Providence of God, not a man was hurt.”

Unfortunately, the good news didn’t last. On December 18, 1862, Alfred McClay wrote a short letter revealing that he had been wounded at the Battle of Fredericksburg and taken to a hospital in Washington, DC.

“I take this opportunity of writing to you to let you know that I am in the hospital at Washington. Dear Mother, last Sunday at 3 o’clock in the afternoon. I got wounded at Fredericksburg and was sent to Washington. I came last night.

Dear Mother, I got wounded slight in the side. I don’t feel very ill. It is only but a flesh wound. Dear Mother, I have no more to say at present but I would like to be home at Christmas if I could.”

While in the hospital, Alfred McClay was visited by another uncle, Joseph Coleman, as well as the uncle who raised him, John Ryner, who he referred to as “Pap.” On January 2, 1863, Alfred wrote an update about his condition to his aunt.

“Yesterday afternoon, just before I received your letter, the doctor sounded me and examined me closely. He says I am getting along pretty well. He says that at first my wound was pretty dangerous but it is alright now. He also said that I have got the palpitation of the heart. I asked him what was the cause of it and he said it was from hard marches. I asked him if he thought I would be fit for service again. He didn’t say yes or no but asked if I would like to have my discharge. I told him yes and he said that I could get it but I won’t say anything more about it as you don’t want me to.”

Sadly, the improvement in Alfred McClay’s condition didn’t last and after another surgical operation on January 11, he died on January 24, 1863.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Alfred McClay’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Edwin Perry of the 11th Rhode Island Infantry and Charles Walbridge of the 100th New York Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 73: Edwin Perry 11th Rhode Island Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Edwin Perry was born in August, 1843, to Daniel Bliss Perry and Lydia Ann (Carpenter) Perry of Rehoboth, Massachusetts. Despite living in Massachusetts, Edwin Perry enlisted as a private in Company C of the 11th Rhode Island Infantry. He wrote his letters to an unnamed brother.

Edwin Perry at Miner’s Hill, Virginia and in Hospital

Headquarters of Company F, 11th Rhode Island Infantry at Miner’s Hill, Virginia.
Headquarters of Company F, 11th Rhode Island Infantry at Miner’s Hill, Virginia.

The letters in our collection begin in October, 1862 when the 11th Rhode Island Infantry was camped near Miner’s Hill, Virginia. The 11th Rhode Infantry was mustered into service on October 1, 1862 and left for Washington, D.C. on October 6.

On October 21, 1862, Edwin Perry wrote to his brother that the regiment was currently on the march though he did not know their final destination.

“Last night we received marching orders and early this morning after partaking of an early breakfast, this regiment together with the 133rd New York and 22nd Connecticut Regiments took up our line of march for this place. The weather was quite cool so that we were greatly favored in carrying our load which consisted of a well-stuffed knapsack, haversack, canteen, musket, and equipments with forty rounds of cartridges.

We reached this ground about ten o’clock this morning and after marching and countermarching for another hour at last halted on a turnip field and a orchard. By two o’clock we had our tent put up and now four o’clock all the boys excepting [Pvt. Orin F.] Munroe are asleep. He is writing like me.

We received orders not to be too particular about putting up tents as we were to march again tomorrow — some say further to the right — others toward Harpers Ferry — and others to our old camping ground and from thence to Washington and then to Port Royal. The latter seems to have the best foundation as two companies which were to go on picket duty after receiving their rations, packing their clothes, marching some distance were ordered back, and if we were going but a few miles in any direction, they would not [have] been recalled.”

In January, 1863, Edwin Perry was staying in the hospital near his regiment. He had apparently been there for some time and was working on regaining his strength. He wrote on January 8, that the Doctor had cleared him to return to duty but the head nurse wanted him to stay.

“I continue to gain strength with every effort. I have walked up to camp and back again every day for a week — some days twice as far.

The box you sent is a rich treat, I tell you. I am living high and sleeping in the hospital. Yesterday the Doctor gave me my discharge from this institution and told me to report at camp but the head nurse has took the responsibility of keeping me here a while longer. He thought I was not strong enough to endure camp life. I’d rather stay here a week longer than to go to camp [just] now. There has been another sudden change in the weather from warm to cold accompanied by high winds which are very uncomfortable on these high hills where the division is encamped.”

In the same letter, Edwin Perry detailed some of the afflictions of the other patients in the hospital.

“Yesterday they brought a man here who has had the fever and ague together with convulsions. During these times, it takes four men to hold him. This forenoon he has had one chill and four convulsions. He can not stand them a great while longer and live. When he is reasonable, he cries considerable and says he never shall get home. This a solemn sight but this is one of the fortunes of war. But a person gets used of these things seeing it continually before him. I saw a case of sympathetic mania today in the case of one of the patients. Soon after the man had passed through the convulsions, I spoke of this patient (who has the pleura pneumonia) was taken in the same way as other although not quite as hard. As I now write, one of these men is on the way to the General Hospital at Washington; the other will probably go tomorrow. They can’t go too soon for me.”

Edwin Perry at Camp Distribution

On February 8, 1863, Edwin Perry wrote from Camp Distribution near Alexandria, Virginia. At that time the 11th Rhode Island Infantry was doing guard duty at the Convalescent Camp, while Edwin Perry was on detached duty. The men at the camp had just recently been paid, leading to tighter security and to Edwin Perry sharing a joke about the greenback money they received.

“I like this detached service better than being with my regiment because here there are no dress parades, no knapsack inspections, and no guard around the camp to keep us in, besides numerous little things which we are not obliged to do here.

Since the regiment was paid off in February, the restrictions on the camp have been [made] rigid. No one can pass off or on without a pass. Bayonets will not stop the men as they would in Dexter training grounds but bullets will[…]

[…]Have you seen this conundrum? ‘Why is the government currency like the ancient Israelites?” — “Because they are the issue of Abraham’s and know not their redeemer.’”

Two days later, on February 8, 1863, Edwin Perry gave a description of the camp and the discovery of a man overrun by “strangers” which may have been a slang term for lice.

“The new camping ground is situated in a much pretty location than ever before, being located on a high table land overlooking the Potomac. Camp Distribution is situated on the north side of the road leading from Alexandria to Camp Convalescent. In a former letter, I wrote you that men sent to Camp Convalescent who are able to [perform] duty are sent from there to their regiments. This is not so, for they are first sent here and then under guard outside of the picket line to their regiments at the front. This camp we are now engaged in guarding — it is rather hard looking. It consists of common A tents, pitched on the ground with nothing but Virginia mud for the men to sleep on.

The remaining brigades of General McCall’s division arrived here yesterday morning but have not yet formed an encampment as they expect to move further. These men look rather the worse for wear. Some of them are sitting around the fire shivering with their blankets on. This morning the second and third relief were sent to take down some tents of long standing supposed to be unoccupied but inside they found a human being — if I may so call him — who was perfectly alive with many strangers.  His feet were frozen and when found, he could not stand alone. I presume he had looked for a place to sleep and had crawled in here where he was attacked by these strangers who perfectly unmaned him.”

On February 15, Edwin Perry wrote about the poor conditions of the camp and how the doctor did very little to attend to the sick.

“All those in the distribution camp have to sleep on the ground. This causes a great amount of sickness. The doctor who has charge of the camp does things up in a hurry. For instance, a morning at sick call perhaps a hundred men are drawn up in line waiting their turn. The guard lets in the first man.

Dr: What the matter with you?

Soldier: I have a severe pain in my side, Sir.

Dr: Give him some liniment. Next.

Dr: What’s the matter with you?

Soldier: I have rupture, Sir.

Dr: Who told you you had a rupture. There is nothing the matter with you. Like to go to the convalescent camp again suppose! Clear out! Don’t you let me catch you here again. If I do I will put you in the guard house.

This is the way he examines perhaps sixty men in an hour. In fact, he has now [no] more mercy for a man than I would have for a beast.”

Continued Guard Duty

Postwar photo of Edwin Perry of the 11th Rhode Island Infantry.
Postwar photo of Edwin Perry of the 11th Rhode Island Infantry via Spared & Shared.

Edwin Perry wrote more about guard duty in a letter dated  February 18, 1863. The prisoners he was tasked to guard were not Confederate prisoners of war but Union soldiers that had committed various offences. He also described how he was becoming more accustomed to sights that would have once made him squeamish.

“Yesterday it snowed all day and today the rain is carrying it off. I stood four hours yesterday in a snowstorm. And now let me say a word in regard to the three reliefs. The first and second go on at nine in the morning and stay until five at night at which time the third relief go on and stay until nine o’clock and are not again called out until five o’clock this morning. This gives us the whole night to sleep.

We have an odd way of keeping prisoners here. Two posts are placed firmly in the ground to which a rope is stretched across. To this the men are handcuffed. This gives them the liberty of walking back and forth perhaps ten feet.

We cannot get passes to go to Alexandria now except on business. My nerves are getting stronger so that I can look and see teeth pulled and dug out without my heart’s jumping. Dr. [Moses S.] Eldredge of our mess is doing considerable business. Yesterday he dug out a tooth while the person was under the influence of ether.”

In a letter written a week later, Edwin Perry made a rather humorous remark about the second lieutenant of his company who transferred to service in the navy.

“Our Second Lieutenant [Seth W. Cowing] left us today. He takes a position in the Navy. He could not go too soon so my best wishes are for his poor success. Lieut. [William A.] James has command here now.”

Edwin Perry continued to serve on guard duty. On March 11, 1863 he wrote about a recent visit to Fort Worth, located on Seminary Heights.

“Yesterday I paid a visit to Fort Worth beyond Fairfax Seminary. It is situated on the brow of a high hill overlooking a large valley. The fort mounts about thirty guns of which the largest throws a one hundred pound shot. The bed and carriage is constructed of solid iron. There are a number of large Parrott guns of beautiful workmanship. Besides these and some common sixty-fours, there are some eight mortars placed on massive beds of iron. There are also two pieces of light artillery bearing the inscription ‘Whitworth Guns Presented by the Loyal Americans in Europe to the Government of the U.S.’ You will remember of reading about this about a year ago. These are made of steel and are bronzed like a musket about ten feet in length and breech loading.”

Edwin Perry mustered out of the service a few months later on July 13, 1863. He married Ella Jane Moore in 1869. He died sometime after 1905.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these letters.

To read more of Edwin Perry’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Charles Walbridge of the 100th New York Infantry and Abraham Crumbecker of the 32nd Ohio Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 72: Charles Walbridge 100th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Walbridge was born in 1841 in Buffalo, New York. He wrote these letters to his brother, George Walbridge, who was named after their father. Before the war, Charles Walbridge worked for Pratt & Co., a hardware dealership. He enlisted in the 100th New York Infantry in September, 1861, and was appointed 2nd lieutenant of company H.

100th New York Infantry at Folly Island

On January 28, 1863, Charles Walbridge wrote from the Steamer Cahawba at Beaufort Harbor, North Carolina. By this time he had become captain of company H. Charles Walbridge knew the regiment would soon be moved somewhere, but their final destination remained a mystery. He hoped that the Union forces would soon seize Charleston and that that would be where they were headed.

“We have been all ready for sea for two days but have been delayed by a very high wind. The latest orders are to go to sea at high water which will be in about two hours (three o’clock). I intend to send this ashore by the pilot [boat] when he goes. I received the copy of your letter but not the original.

My trunk, instead of going home, got in with the baggage of the 8th New York and I received it all safe, thanks to having my name on it.

We are still in the dark as to our destination. My opinion is that it is not Wilmington. I think that it is nothing less than Charleston. Wouldn’t that be a big thing?”

The 100th New York Infantry went first to St. Helena Island before being sent to Folly Island, South Carolina. In a letter written April 18, 1863, Charles Walbridge gave the details of Union forces on the island, with the warning that the information should be kept confidential.

“I wrote a letter to mother the other day giving a detailed account of our doings. I mentioned at the tail of it that we were once more upon the noble isle of Folly. Nothing unusual has happened. We use extraordinary precautions against a surprise. We detail three companies every night to go out and support the pickets. Last night Co. H was on the duty. We had everything nicely fixed, I can tell you, and I was almost in hopes that a few rebs would come over so that I could get pay for the men I had wounded and captured. The enemy are in very strong force on James Island.

When we returned to this island, it was intended to evacuate, but day before yesterday, the authorities concluded to hold it, so I suppose we will be here some time. I believe we are to be reinforced. There are now but four (4) other regiments on the island, all of them smaller than the 100th, and a battery (of course it is needless to remind you that the figures which I give you, especially in the letter to Mother, should not be generally known).”

In the same letter he revealed his hopes at receiving a position as assistant quartermaster for the brigade, but did not think it likely do to the failure of the army to seize Charleston.

“I don’t suppose there is much prospect of my getting the position of A.Q.M. [Assistant Quartermaster]. If the attack on Charleston had been successful, I should have had much more hope, but I hardly think the Dept. at Washington will feel like bestowing any favors on this Department at present and i don’t myself think it deserves any.”

Charles Walbridge had previously spent some months detached from the regiment as a quartermaster.

Charles Walbridge in the Summer of 1863

Camp of the 100th New York Infantry on Morris Island, South Carolina.
Camp of the 100th New York Infantry on Morris Island, South Carolina.

The 100th New York Infantry remained on Folly Island for the summer and, as predicted, Charles Walbridge did not receive a position as assistant quartermaster. On May 10, 1863 he wrote about the recent order allowing some enlisted men to go home on a furlough and that he had selected four of the men in company H with families to receive them.

“Gen. [David] Hunter has issued an order that in accordance with the recent Act of Congress, furloughs will be granted to five percent of the enlisted men of each company, for a period not to exceed thirty days. I have accordingly recommended four of the “old stock” of Co. H, choosing those who have families as the first squad. As you may imagine, there was quite a commotion among the officers as well as men. I went down to the regiment to see about it yesterday afternoon and learned that Gen. [Israel] Vogdes was not going to grant leaves of absence to commissioned officers for the present. I am not quite certain as to the truth of the report, although I had it from the adjutant who is very good authority. I have had, and still have, strong hopes of getting home this summer. I should prefer to go home in July or August but of course would be only too happy to get a leave at any time. As there will now be three officers in the company, perhaps I will stand some chance if leaves of absence are granted.”

On July 29, 1863 Charles Walbridge described the activity around him and made an oblique reference to the recent attempt to capture Fort Wagner with his worry for two of the men in his company who had gone missing.

“Our troops are working hard on Morris Island, planting guns, erecting batteries &c. The rebels bother us some with their shells. They fire a shell almost every minute. From my tent door, I can see the whole field of operations. Wagner on my right, the Cumming’s Point with Battery Bee, then Sumter stands out plainly in the centre of the circle, then comes Mt. Pleasant — a village on the opposite shore of Charleston Harbor, while clear round to the left rise three spires of churches in Charleston. Besides this, I have a fine view of the sea with the blockading fleet, monitors, &c.

We have not heard a word from [Lt. Charles H.] Runckel [Runckle]  or [George N.] Clark, my orderly sergeant.  I fear they are both dead. I have sent over to the regiment for Runckel’s trunk. I think I will express it to you and you can find out his relatives and send it to them. I think he had a grandfather living in Buffalo.”

Both Charles Runckle and George Clark were killed in the Battle of Fort Wagner.

Preparations to Seize Fort Sumter

Photograph of Fort Sumter taken during the Union bombardment on September 8, 1863.
Photograph of Fort Sumter taken during the Union bombardment on September 8, 1863.

On August 6, 1863, Charles Walbridge related the story of the capture of another captain in his regiment, Lewis S. Payne of company D.

“We are getting along pretty well with the siege but are not quite ready yet. I think we will be in about a week. We have had a real misfortune; this is nothing else than the capture of Captain [Lewis S.] Payne [of Co. D]. He was captured in a small boat in Charleston Harbor night before last. He had some ten men with him. I believe they were all killed but one. He escaped and reports that Capt. Payne was not hurt. The Rebels were undoubtedly laying in wait for him. He has rendered very efficient service ever since we first came into this region. He is a personal friend of mine and one of the finest men I know. His absence will be a great loss. Only a few nights ago, he went into the harbor and waited until a steamer (which was known to be in the habit of coming down nightly with supplies for [Fort] Wagner) came down to that Fort, when he sent up a couple of rockets & skedaddled. Our gunboats which had previously been notified and had the range opened fire and drove away the steamer which has not been down to the fort since. The Rebs opened fire on Capt. Payne but didn’t hurt him; at last, however, his good fortune has deserted him.”

The records of the Adjutant General indicated that Captain Payne was later paroled but give no date as to win. But as Lewis Payne was commissioned lieutenant colonel of the 100th New York Infantry on November 9, 1863 (to date from June 20, 1863) it is likely that the parole was before that time.

On August 21, 1863, Charles Walbridge wrote about the Union bombardment of Fort Sumter and Fort Wagner.

“The bombardment commenced Monday morning and has continued ever since. The fire has mostly been directed at Sumter. The wall on this side appears to be half down. It is completely shattered. I think it can’t hold out much longer. Sumter does not reply to our fire at all. Night before last, Sumter fired her sunset gun (the first she had fired all day) and hauled down her colors. Did you ever see such impertinence? Her flag has been down half a dozen times but it is always raised again. The firing seems to be as heavy this morning as at any previous time. Everybody is very hopeful. I go whenever I can get time up into the maintop of a brig. which lays in the inlet and which I suppose is as good a point of observation as there is in the vicinity. From it, one can see the whole of Morris Island and Charleston Harbor, the fleet, and in fact the whole battleground, if I may so call it. Every minute or two a shot ploughs up the dirt in [Fort] Wagner, then a shell perhaps explodes over our own batteries. It is quite exciting to look at it.”

Fort Sumter was finally captured by Union forces after the Second Battle of Fort Sumter on September 8, 1863. Fort Wagner was abandoned by Confederate forces on September 7, 1863.

In February, 1864, Charles Walbridge was commissioned by the President as assistant quartermaster of volunteers with the rank of captain. A year later he was brevetted to major and was appointed chief quartermaster of the 10th corps. After the war he married Annie F. Noble and helped establish the Walbridge & Co. hardware firm in Buffalo, New York. He died in 1913.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Charles Walbridge’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Abraham Crumbecker of the 32nd Ohio Infantry and Henry Murray of the 8th New York Light Artillery.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 71: Abraham Crumbecker 32nd Ohio Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Abraham Crumbecker was born in 1829 to Isaac and Hannah Crumbecker of Carroll County, Ohio. He was first married to Mary C. Eakin and, after her death, married Hannah Pennock. He was thirty-two years old when he enlisted in the 32nd Ohio Infantry in August, 1861. He was commissioned as 1st lieutenant of company A.

The 32nd Ohio Infantry in West Virginia

Photo of Abraham Crumbecker of the 32nd Ohio Infantry.
Photo of Abraham Crumbecker of the 32nd Ohio Infantry via Wikitree.

After being organized in Mansfield, Ohio, the 32nd Ohio Infantry was then sent to Grafton, West Virginia (still considered Virginia at the time) and then onward to Cheat Mountain. Abraham Crumbecker’s first letter was written on September 20, 1861, and he describes their journey so far, noting the Battle of Laurel Hill fought several months previous and that the regiment still about eighteen miles out from Cheat Mountain.

“We started from Webster on Tuesday for this place. In coming here, we came through Belington and Laurel Hill where our forces had a fight with the rebels at which place General [Robert S.] Garnett, the Rebel Commander, was killed. You probably remember of hearing me read of the Battle of Laurel Hill. Today we are encamped within 4½ miles of Rich Mountain—the place where the 19th [OVI] Regiment under Beaty had their fight. Mr. Yost pointed out the range of mountains today and if we stay here long enough, we are going up to see the place. We are now within 18 miles of Cheat Mountain Gap—the place of our destination when we were ordered to move from Camp Dennison, but upon arriving here we were ordered to halt and are now here awaiting further orders. The rebels have retreated from their former position. Well, yes, I suppose they heard that the 32nd Ohio Reg. was coming and we have the reputation of being a crack regiment. But I do not write the sentence for truth. I will say the boys are here and anxious for a brush whenever the opportunity offers.”

Abraham Crumbecker seemed to enjoy the posting on Cheat Mountain. On December 1, 1861, he wrote to his wife that they would soon be leaving it.

“When I last wrote you I expected ‘ere this we would have been moved off the Mountain as we had orders to move back to Beverly, Va.—a distance of 24 miles. Colonel [Thomas H.] Ford is now at Beverly and a large portion of our sick have moved there also. We expected to move today but yesterday received orders to remain here until Tuesday when our paymaster will be here and pay our regiment off–or for 2 months—after which I presume we will leave the Mountain. I almost hate to leave the Mountain. The weather is cold here but that is the kind of weather for me. I can stand the cold better than the heat. We have from 3 to 4 inches of snow here now and our boys have fine times hunting. The game here consists chiefly in bear (which are rather scarce), deer, and mountain hare as species of rabbits. I have a beautiful skin that I am going to bring home with me which will make Nora a beautiful muff.”

On January 10, 1862, Abraham Crumbecker wrote about his plans for the future, which included being in the role of aide-de-camp if his colonel was promoted to brigadier general, or being promoted to captain of his company in the weeks to come.

“I am still with Col. [Thomas H.] Ford. We both occupy the same office. I presume we will continue together, as long as I act as his Adjutant. There is strong hopes entertained here that Ford will be promoted to a Brigadier General. He told me if promoted that he wanted me to go with him as his “Aid de Camp.” This you need not show to any person from the reason that he may not succeed in getting a “Brigade” and that I have not yet determined whether I will accept the offer. My pay would be about the same as it now is, but I believe I would not be “Captain” of Co. A, which I think I can be in less than a month. I am waiting my turn which will and shall come, and just as soon as I get my situation secured, and can get an honorable leave of absence, I will come home.”

In March, 1862, Abraham Crumbecker did indeed become captain of company A.

Abraham Crumbecker in the Fall of 1862

In late summer, 1862, the 32nd Ohio Infantry was stationed at Winchester, Virginia. In a letter written August 3, 1862, Abraham Crumbecker hoped that President Lincoln’s call for 300,000 additional troops would lead to a speedy resolution of the war.

“I notice the President has given until the 11th of this month for the citizens to fill up the new call of 300,000 men. If not filled by that time, drafting will be resorted to. Then some of the gentlemen probably will be impelled to go. I think your news about Lee going to war is correct. I do actually think he ought to go and that immediately. The country now needs assistance and it is the duty of all Loyal men—especially young men—to volunteer their services immediately and not wait until they are compelled by draft to go, in which I think there is no honor or credit. But of course other people can do as they please and I am satisfied. One thing certain, the soldiers have been called for an must be had. I am satisfied we will have the most powerful army within the next 60 days the world ever saw and think this rebellion will be speedily and effectually crushed. At least I hope so. I feel anxious once more to enjoy the society of a dear and loving wife. Also the society of our dear little children.”

September proved to be a difficult month for the 32nd Ohio Infantry. The regiment was a captured at the Battle of Harpers Ferry and its Colonel, Thomas Ford, was later dismissed from the service after an inquiry found that he abandoned his defense of Maryland Heights without sufficient cause. The 32nd Ohio Infantry was paroled at Annapolis, Maryland and then sent to Illinois to await official exchange.

In November, 1862, Abraham Crumbecker wrote home to his wife about the large number of desertions that had happened while the regiment waited to be exchanged, estimating that they likely had no more than 300 men still at the camp.

“Efforts are being made in some instances to bring back the men that have deserted. With what success they will meet remains to be told. Our Regiment now only numbers about 300 men all told and I actually believe will not number over 200 in another week.”

Abraham Crumbecker at Vicksburg

Barracks of the 124th Illinois Infantry at Vicksburg.
Barracks of the 124th Illinois Infantry at Vicksburg.

The 32nd Ohio Infantry was officially exchanged on January 12, 1863, but Abraham Crumbecker’s letters don’t resume until July, 1863. By this time he had been promoted to major of the 32nd Ohio Infantry and the regiment was at Vicksburg, Mississippi. On July 9, 1863, Abraham Crumbecker wrote about the recent capture of the city.

“Our Division is likely to remain here. General Logan has command of the post and district. Our capture has amounted has amounted to more than was first anticipated. We have captured one Lt. General, 4 Major Generals, 9 Brigadier Generals, about 50 Colonels. and 30 thousand prisoners, over 120 cannon, and over 60 thousand stands of small arms. Our army is in fine condition and excellent spirits. The Rebels are demoralized and discouraged. Quite a number will take the Oath of Allegiance and come North. Provided our Eastern Army does its duty as I yet think it will, we will soon give rebellion its death blow and the Lord knows quite a number of the enemy would be glad of it.

The weather here is very warm although not as hot as I supposed it would be this time of year. We are now having green corn and I understand there are plenty of ripe peaches at some localities.

We have the report that Port Hudson has been surrendered but do not know whether the report is true or not, but one thing is certain, General Banks have the Rebels in the situation that we had Vicksburg and the place must soon fall it—if has not already—when we will for the first time in two years undisputed possession of the Mississippi from its source to its mouth and the States of Louisiana and Florida are virtually ours.”

A month later, on August 13, 1863, Abraham Crumbecker wrote that he had tried to tender his resignation but it had not been accepted. Evidently, he had discussed this in other letters to his wife which no longer survive.

“I wrote you a few days ago that I had tendered my resignation but that it had been returned disapproved. I have tendered it again. It is more than probable that it will be returned again disapproved. If such should be the case, I dare not tender it again for some time but as soon as there will be any chance, I will do so again. I have made calculations in coming home this fall to stay and if I should not succeed, will be very much dissatisfied. I am bound not to come until I come to stay.”

His resignation was once again disapproved. In December, 1863, Abraham Crumbecker was still at Vicksburg. Though he had given up on trying to resign from the service, he was firm in his desire never to reenlist as he wanted to return home to his family.

“It is my first winter in the South and if I am spared, it will be my last. I am perfectly content to remain the balance of my life with my dear and loving wife, and our dear little children. Let come what will or may. My mind is made up as to my ever again engaging in any undertaking wherein I will be deprived the opportunity of at least visiting my family whenever I please or being able to take them with me. You must give yourself no uneasiness about me re-enlisting for I tell you upon the honor of a man, I will not do it.”

Despite his own feelings about continuing in the service, on January 8, 1864, he wrote that the majority of the 32nd Ohio Infantry chose to reenlist.

“Over ¾ of our regiment has re-enlisted in the Veteran service, and the Regiment will be ordered to Ohio to reorganize and fill up the regiment. We expect to get started within the next few days but may possibly not get off quite so soon. After arriving at Columbus, Ohio, we will be ordered to our respective homes to recruit for 30 days. So you see after all, I will get home this winter on order which is much better than a 20-day leave of absence. I am making calculations and having a glorious good time. While at home and when I come, we will talk the matter over of my remaining in army longer than my term of enlistment. I do not expect to remain that long but I need not write anything about it as we can better understand each other when we talk than when we write.”

Ultimately Abraham Crumbecker served the duration of his initial three-year term of service and resigned on September 21, 1864. He died in 1899.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Abraham Crumbecker’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Henry Murray of the 8th New York Light Artillery and John Madison of the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 70: Henry Murray 8th New York Light Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Murray was born in 1836 to John Murray and Jennet (Scott) Murray of Bovina, New York. Before the war he worked as a tinsmith. He enlisted in the 8th New York Light Artillery as a corporal on September 26, 1861.

The 8th New York Light Artillery at Newport News, Virginia

Artwork depicting the CSS Virginia.
Artwork depicting the CSS Virginia via Wikimedia Commons.

Henry Murray’s letters in our collection begin in March 1862, despite him having enlisted several months earlier. All of them were written to an unspecified brother or brothers, one of whom may have been John Murray who served in company E of the 144th New York Infantry.

After several months organizing in New York, the 8th New York Light Artillery left for Washington, D.C. On March 31, 1862, Henry Murray wrote about their march to Alexandria, Virginia and sleeping underneath their own artillery pieces.

“We are now in the land of Dixie within sight of the city of Alexandria and about a mile from it. We are encamped by the side of the railroad which leads to Manassas. We got orders to march last Friday about two o’clock and by four o’clock we were under march for Alexandria with Casey’s whole division. We crossed the Long Bridge a little after dark and kept marching until two o’clock in the morning when we encamped for the night. Taking the canvas which we have to cover our guns for beds, we laid down on the ground and slept until morning when I assure you, the camp presented rather an amusing appearance. Some were lying under the guns — others out in the open air with nothing but their blankets over them. Officers and men were all on a level then, and all glad to take mother earth for a bed and the canopy of heaven for a covering.”

A few weeks later, on April 12, 1862, Henry Murray wrote from Newport News, Virginia and revealed that the fort was dealing with some harassment from the CSS Virginia (rebuilt from the famed USS Merrimack), though the ironclad ship was currently keeping her distance.

“All is quiet around here this morning. The Merrimack [CSS Virginia] has not made her appearance again. No doubt she has made up her mind that she is safest to stay where she is as the large guns from the Fort gave her some pretty heavy guns before she got out of their range. We could see the shells as they struck the water around the old Merrimack. There was two English and one French vessels lying nearby at the time of the engagement. They were no doubt taking notes of the proceedings. They are heavy gunboats carrying some forty guns each. They have been lying near here for some time. We passed by them when we came down here.”

On April 15, 1862, Henry Murray wrote another letter from Newport News which described a fellow soldier being injured by his horse.

“There is not much news here at present. One of our boys got badly kicked yesterday by a horse. He was cleaning his horse when the horse turned round and kicked him on the head, knocking him senseless. He was taken to his quarters and the doctor called but he still remains insensible and was taken to the hospital at Newport News today. His recovery is thought doubtful. His name is [George D.] Eighmy. I think he was from Roxbury.”

George D. Eighmy (or Eighmie) was discharged for disability on July 16, 1862.

Henry Murray and the Battle of Yorktown

May 1862 photograph of Federal Battery No. 1 at Yorktown, Virginia.
May 1862 photograph of Federal Battery No. 1 at Yorktown, Virginia.

The Siege of Yorktown began on April 5, 1862. On April 26, 1862, Henry Murray wrote a letter describing preparations for a coming battle and the capture of a few Confederate spies.

“We were ordered out the other day to go and shell rebel fortifications that they were building about two miles from here. We started and got about a mile when we got news that the rebels had left so we had to return to camp without having a chance to get a shot at them.

There has been four rebel prisoners captured here yesterday. They were supposed to be spies. They were examined and their clothes searched and some papers found, sewed in their overcoats. What the papers were, I have not heard, but they are now confined in a log cabin a short way from our camp. They are rather suspicious-looking characters and I think if they are a specimen of the rebels, they are a degraded-looking race of men. They were dressed in uniform the same as our troops. In their knapsacks were found some clothes which were stained with blood (which they could not give a very strict account of). They are to be sent to McClellan’s headquarters for further examination.

Everything around here has the appearance of a rapid preparation for the coming battle which will soon take place at Yorktown. There is roads being made and fortifications being thrown up in almost every direction from here, and there is troops coming in around here by the thousands. Sickles’ Brigade is now stationed some five miles from here.”

Henry Murray sent his brother another letter on May 6, 1862, one day after the successful capture of Yorktown, and described a gruesome incident of a soldier being killed by a mine left behind by retreating Confederate forces.

“Before this can reach you the glorious news that Yorktown has been evacuated will have reached you. We are in pursuit of them. We left camp on Sunday morning about eight o’clock as the news came into camp that the rebels were evacuating. There was a heavy cannonading kept up all Saturday night but it stopped on Sunday morning before we left camp. we marched about two miles when we came to a small fort that had been left but a short time before by the rebels, but the old Stars & Stripes were waving over it when we arrived in sight of it, having been planted there by Gen. Casey. We did not stop at this fort but kept on about a mile farther where there was quite a strong and large fort. Near the fort were found several shells which were buried in the road with a cap placed on them in such a manner than when stepped on, they would explode. The infantry were in advance of us and — while near the fort — a shell was stepped on by one of them whereupon it exploded, killing him instantly — blowing him to atoms and wounding five others. They were in the 52nd Pennsylvania. There was several of those infernal machines found in and near the fort but were dug out before any more accidents happened.”

Further in the same letter, Murray described the state of the battlefield.

“We are now encamped by the forts and the battleground is but a short distance from here. I went through it after we got here, but for me to attempt to describe the sights that I saw — it is impossible. The dead were lying in heaps, men and horses were lying in all directions, guns were scattered around and other things beyond description. Our men were burying the dead but the rebel dead were lying unburied. There is hundreds of them scattered around the field and in the woods. What the loss of the rebels were I have not heard, but judging from what I saw, I should think it heavy as they did not leave the field until after night and no doubt buried many of their dead. What the loss on our side is, I cannot say. You will have an account of it, no doubt, before this reaches you.”

Onward Toward Richmond

After the successful Battle of Yorktown, Union forces pursued the rebel army through Williamsburg. On May 11, 1862, Henry Murray was riding high  off of the recent victory and hoped it would soon be followed by the capture of Richmond, Virginia.

“In my last letter which I wrote to you last Tuesday, I told you that we were then encamped on the battleground [at Williamsburg] of last Monday. We remained there until Friday morning when we again started on the march and this time it is, “On to Richmond” in reality. It is no longer the feeble dry of a few aspiring politicians and newspaper editors, but it is now the order of the Commander in Chief of the great Army of the Potomac and, with him at its head, we are now moving slowly but surely to the city of Richmond — and, in a few days, we will be in possession of that great Capitol of the Southern Confederacy which so long has been the boasted stronghold of the rebels, but which must soon fall before the onward march of this great army. And then, when the old Stars and Stripes are again floating in triumph over that rebellious city, we may consider this rebellion as nearly at any end for with Yorktown and Richmond in the hands of the government, it will be impossible for them to make a stand anywhere in Virginia.

It is said that the rebels are going to make a stand some twelve miles from Richmond and that they are now throwing up fortifications and making every preparation for a desperate battle. But very likely it will turn out like Yorktown — when our forces are ready to make an attack, they will evacuate for I think from the appearance of their forts in front of Yorktown that if they could not make a stand in such forts, it will be impossible for them to build stronger forts before this army reaches there.

We passed through Williamsburg on our way here. It is a small village and everything in it gave evidence of a hasty retreat. In the streets were to be seen wagons, forges, and ammunition chests having stuck in the mud and were set on fire or cut to pieces to prevent them falling into our hands. Horses and mules were lying on the road dead as we came along this side of Williamsburg, and as we came along, we met several who had deserted from them and they say that rebel soldiers are getting disheartened and are almost in a state of mutiny.”

Henry Murray’s high spirits continued in another letter written outside of Richmond on May 19, 1862.

“We are within eighteen miles of Richmond. The rebels were here where we are now encamped last Saturday but retreated as our troops advanced. They are nary nine miles from here and it is said they are going to make a stand at that place which no doubt is true. And in all probability before this reaches you, there will have been a decisive battle fought and the City of Richmond will be in our hands. It is reported here that the rebels have a large force at that place but yet I doubt not but the result will be a glorious victory for the Union forces.”

Despite Henry Murray’s optimism, it proved to take almost three more years before the Civil War finally ended. Henry Murray served for the duration of the war, receiving a promotion to sergeant on August 15, 1862, and reenlisting as a veteran in 1864. He mustered out with the rest of the battery on June 30, 1865. He died in 1905.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Henry Murray’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like John Madison of the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry and Robert Browne of the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 69: John Madison 96th Pennsylvania Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

John Madison was born in 1864 to Anthony and Harriet (Dick) Madison of Pottsville, Pennsylvania. Before enlisting in the army, he worked as a blacksmith’s apprentice. He enlisted in company A of the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry on August 22, 1861 and was a fervent believer in both God and the Union cause.

96th Pennsylvania Infantry in Virginia

Photo of John Madison of Company A, 96th Pennsylvania Infantry.
Photo of John Madison of Company A, 96th Pennsylvania Infantry via Spared & Shared.

John Madison wrote his first letter in our collection on November 18, 1861, from Camp Casey, part of the defenses of Washington, D.C. In the letter he affirmed his strong conviction for the Union cause as well as his religious faith.

“It is not probable that we will get into the battle [but] if we do, we will fight to the last. We will fall with our faces towards the enemy for ’tis glorious to die for your country. If it happens to be my lot not to meet you again in this world, I hope to meet you in a greater and better world where we know no cares or sorrows. We have our Bibles with us and we do not forget them.”

On December 22, 1861, John Madison wrote from Camp Franklin, Virginia, describing a recent run in with rebel forces that resulted in several men being captured.

“On Wednesday I was about one half of a mile from the pickets and the day before that they shot at our pickets and drove them back and the rebels were drove up in line of battle to fight, but the pickets would not stand for that too strong for them. And last week there was thirteen of our men taken prisoners. They thought that the rebels was our men and the captain that was with them. Our men came to present arms to him and he came up to them and said ‘disarm yourselves, for you are our prisoners of war.’ So you can see for yourself that we know not who is our enemy for they go about like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. And our pickets went through their pickets last night and burnt down the houses and someplace I do not know the name of the place.”

Confederate forces continued to plague the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry throughout the winter as illustrated in John Madison’s letter from January 1, 1862.

“I received your letter in due time and was glad to hear from you all as we have just come in from picket and are very tired. We went out on Saturday at 8 o’clock in the morning and just got back. From Saturday to the present we had about 4 hours sleep for in the night we had to watch the guard for the rebels come up to our picket and take them away. But thank God, they did not get any of our men. We could see them everyday on their horses from where we stood. Everything was quiet till Sunday morning and then we heard a shot and we formed a line of battle and then we sent a dispatch off to the guard to see what was the matter with the pickets. I was about thirty yards away from the one they shot. It was some of the rebels trying to get through the picket to get the center line.”

John Madison Hopes for a Furlough

On January 23, 1862, John Madison was hopeful that the war would soon be over. He believed that the Confederate forces were losing faith in their cause and that Union sentiment was on the rise.

“By last accounts in the papers, our cause is gaining a firmer and better hold in Kentucky and in fact all over. And when a move is made, the overwhelming forces of the North will sweep like a prairie fire and deal the secession its last and final blow, and will annihilate disunion. The Southern Confederacy has seen its best days. The people all wish to return under the protection of the stars and stripes. They have been led astray by men whose sole object is burn, pillage, destroy. The time is at hand when all volunteers times is expiring for they were duped into the rebel service for 12 months and promised that in that time they was to occupy all the cities north of Mason Dixon’s line. But they were promised—that is all. They have found out to the contrary. So might it be.”

In February, 1862, John Madison learned that his mother had gotten very sick. On February 10, 1862 he wrote home that he had applied for a furlough so that he could return to Pennsylvania and visit her.

“I applied for a furlough last night for to come home, but it will take a week perhaps for to get it for it has to be signed by General McClellan and sometimes it take two weeks—then he doesn’t sign them then. But I hope that he will sign mine but if you have not sent the note from the doctor when this reaches you, I want you to send it as soon as you can so that I can apply again, if he [McClellan] does not sign this one. And as for the money, I can get enough to come home and back again without much trouble. So you can send the note from the doctor and I will be home as soon as I can get a furlough.”

Unfortunately, the furlough arrived too late and John Madison had already been informed of his mother’s death before the furlough was approved. On February 28, 1862, he wrote to his father explaining that his furlough had been approved, but he no longer planned to come home as he thought it would only make things worse.

“It is with sorrow that I let you know that my furlough has just come in this morning, and as it has been so long in coming in, I shall not come home for if I would, it would just make it worse than what it is. For since I cannot see Mother no more on this earth, I must trust in God so as to meet her in Heaven and may God help you all.

As soon as I got the letter that John Riggs sent to me with the notice that Mother had gone to rest, I went to the Captain and told him that Mother was dead. Then I want to get home, but it was impossible, so I think it is best for me to stay here and content myself the best way I know how. I am well at present and hope that these few lines may find you the same and all the family.”

John Madison and the Battle of Bull Run Battlefield

Officers of the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry.
Officers of the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry.

The first Battle of Bull Run was fought on July 21, 1861. John Madison wrote home on March 15, 1862, about what some of the men in his regiment saw on the battlefield. Nearly eight months later there were still unburied bodies lying on the field.

“We left Fairfax last night about 7 o’clock and marched into camp which is about 16 miles. We had to drill yesterday and then we got orders to march to camp again. And tomorrow we have got to go someplace again but we do not know where to yet. But we heard that we was to reinforce Burnside for we have got Manassas and intend to hold it. And if we reinforce Burnside, we will make them leave a little more than what they have done. It was good for them to leave Manassas for if they hadn’t, we would give them their last pill—they would be done for.

Some of the men saw Manassas and they say that the rows of our men lay there unburied. Some of the men went to work and buried them for it was a hard sight to see them lying there to dogs and crows to eat of them. It made the men [feel] more like running to them and whipping them but never mind, they will get paid for it yet.”

The 96th Pennsylvania Infantry remained near Fairfax, Virginia and the Bull Run battlefield. In late March, 1862, John Madison wrote another letter home that the Confederate forces had burned bridges and withdrawn but that they expected to follow them soon. His faith in the Union’s eventual triumph remained unshaken.

“Well, I am at Fairfax Court House. It is all deserted. Everybody has left the place for they was afraid of the strong army which started on Monday for Bull’s Run. But we was disappointed when we hear of them leaving Bull’s Run. Our men have been out at Bull’s Run and seen it and all the bridges were burnt down somehow. So we have to wait until they get them built again. But we think in a few days we can go ahead for Richmond.

I saw a Rebel prisoner today that was taken yesterday. He looked hard for they have poor clothing to wear. But we will soon give them free if they think that they can whip us which I think they cannot for they do not like to stand to fight for they know that they are whipped. And I think in about a month, it will all be right again so we must trust to one that is mighty to save and strong to deliver so in God is our trust and Union is our motto.”

Tragically John Madison only had a few months more to live. On July 22, 1862, he died of typhoid fever in the regimental hospital near Harrison’s Landing, Virginia. He was buried near the hospital but later exhumed and taken back to Pennsylvania.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of John Madison’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Robert Browne of the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry and Charles Johnson of the 16th Massachusetts Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 68: Robert Browne 100th Pennsylvania Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Robert Browne was born in 1821 in Steubenville, Ohio, but grew up in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. He attended the Theological Seminary at Alleghany, Pennsylvania and was ordained as a minister at the age of 23. On August 28, 1861 he entered the service of the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry as a chaplain. He married Mary Eichbaum and addressed his letters to her. For part of his service his son, William Eichbaum Browne, accompanied him. William was born in 1847 and would have been around 14 years old at the start of Robert Browne’s letters.

Voyage on the Steamer “Ocean Queen”

Image of Robert Browne of the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry.
Image of Robert Browne of the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry via Findagrave.com

Robert Browne’s letters begin on October 20, 1861 while waiting to travel with the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry on the steamer “Ocean Queen.” The regiment was on its way to Fortress Monroe, though Robert Browne did not know when exactly they would embark.

“The curry & bustle of such and embarkation as ours even up till the Sabbath noon, you cannot conceive. Happily we can hope we have seen the most trying part of it. When we come to sail, if the weather is fair everyday afterwards, will be orderly & comparatively comfortable. Imagine 16 or 1800 men aboard of our immense vessel which immense as it is, is crowded. The ordinary distance between decks is divided into 3 or 4 tiers of sleeping platforms made of pine lumber. There are also of course many staterooms. But all are crowded. You may ask when we will sail. I do not know. The order may come at any time. Then, we rendezvous at Fortress Monroe whence you will hear from me again.”

On October 24, Robert Browne sent another letter from the “Ocean Queen.” By this time the ship had reached Fortress Monroe, but was waiting offshore rather than letting the 100th Pennsylvania disembark, leading Robert Browne to speculate that their final destination might be New Orleans.

“You see we are still at anchor here. The reason, I presume, is that the steamers are coaling. We presume from this a long voyage is intended. We will probably touch the tropics, double Florida, navigate the Gulf, and visit New Orleans. But we don’t know. At all events, one sees these little schooners drawn up along side these immense steamers hugging them close. I was up on deck this morning—a bright, cool morning—& noticed that nearly every steamer had a little schooner buckled to it.”

In fact, the regiment only went as far as South Carolina where it participated in the capture of Fort Wagner and Fort Beauregard and was then assigned to the occupation of Beaufort. The 100th Pennsylvania Infantry and other regiments in the area continued to get in small skirmishes with Confederate forces as detailed in a letter written by Robert Brown on December 6, 1861.

“The order to break camp came to us about bed time last night and by daybreak our camp was a busy scene. Some of the boys who cannot get fighting out of their heads on such occasions could not sleep but must be up in the night working with their guns—some of which went off but did no harm.

Last night there was a skirmish at Beaufort (as I have been told since coming down to the beach) resulting in the enemy leaving some earthworks in our possession which they had been putting up since the former visit of our gunboats. As our troops are in possession, we expect no trouble. But we will be now farther from the Post Office & the postal arrangements, & again your dear mother & all the rest of you will be liable to anxiety on our account.”

The 100th Pennsylvania Infantry and the Battle of Chantilly

Illustration depicting the death of General Stevens at the Battle of Chantilly.
Illustration depicting the death of General Stevens at the Battle of Chantilly via Wikimedia Commons.

In July of 1862 the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry was sent north to join the 9th Army Corps as part of the Army of the Potomac. On September 5, 1862, Robert Browne wrote to his wife about the recent Battle of Chantilly which occurred after the Second Battle of Bull Run and resulted in the death of General Isaac Stevens. Robert Browne remained with the wounded in the hospital which was taken over by Confederate forces, though they were soon allowed to transfer their wounded back to Union lines under a flag of truce.

“In our battle of Monday, 1st, Gen. Stevens was killed. The last I saw of him was when he asked me to take back his son, Col. S., who had just been wounded. As I returned to the field I met our wounded being carried off. It was now dark and there was a piteous rain. I saw the regiment which had just come back from its engaging the enemy and were being formed in line of battle anew. Gen. Kearney rode up and addressing me, inquired who we were and where was Col. (Leckey), and, when I had brought Col. Leasure to him, asked if we would support his battery just posted in an advanced position. The men answered with a cheer, and supported it amid the whistling balls till the enemy were driven off by the artillery and other divisions of infantry.

I have since visited the battlefield, and seen where the dead of our army lay in a cornfield. They maintained the desperate struggle with the foe within a rod or two of each other. We gained the field, but did not hold it. The evacuation of Centreville, I presume, was necessity; and about 1 or 2 o’clock, A. M. our three divisions fell back, leaving their wounded in hospitals. I concluded with others, to remain and attend to the wounded, of whom we had about 150. Thirty-eight, I believe died before we left – which we did under a flag of truce about 6 o’clock last evening. We had to wait the arrival of our ambulances; they did not come till our provisions had run out and we were in a state of great destitution.

On the 2d a regiment of cavalry, 1st Va., Col. Brien came in, also one of infantry. The former promised us rations on arrival of his own supply, but was ordered away without their arrival as was also the other. We had a beautiful night for the trip with our wounded—23 or 24 white covered ambulances, wagons, drawn by 2 horses, pursuing their way by midnight. We had to leave about 50 or 60 behind to be brought down to-day. We reached the general hospital at Alexandria, about 3 o’clock A. M. I lay down with a portion of the wounded on the floor, the more serious cases being sent to another hospital in which were spare beds. Previous to lying down we all had coffee and soft bread.”

Robert Browne and Further Battles

On October 26, 1862, Robert Browne wrote from Maryland about a recent troop movement carried out in pouring rain.

“The 9th Army Corps are crossing into Virginia on a pontoon bridge. Long lines of cavalry & artillery have preceded us. Now the infantry of Whipple’s Division are going. So will our own do soon. They & a large assemblage of infantry besides are walking here for their turn—all wet as barnyard fowls in a full day of rain. All this I see with my eyes here but not exactly from where I write for I am seated on some rude wash house furniture under a back porch (with an earthen floor) of a Berlin dwelling of a 4th rate character whose door opens right on the canal. The drip of a roof without a gutter comes down in big drops steadily.”

A few months later, on December 15, 1862, Robert Browne wrote a very brief letter from Fredericksburg, Virginia. His son, William, who was around 15 years old and accompanying him with the regiment added additional lines.

“We crossed the river on Friday. Saturday a portion of the army had a very bloody battle. We saw it but were not called to take any part. The 134th [Pennsylvania] were in the fight & lost 50 killed & a number wounded.

Dear Mother,

I have just been over the river and as the regiment was waving, I started for it and Father had to quit writing. There has been some terrible fighting but our regiment has not been in it yet and the worst of it is over. Our regiment moved out of the town just as I came away and will not fight tonight. Father is well…”

Summer found the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry camped outside of Vicksburg, Mississippi. Robert Browne wrote a bit about their location and the ongoing siege in a letter dated June 23, 1863.

“I drop you a few lines at 7 A.M. There is nothing specially important. We are camped where we hear the pounding at Vicksburg which is about 10 miles southwest of this. We are near the Yazoo [river] and about 12 miles perhaps up that river & 3 miles out from the river at what I believe is called Snyder’s Bluff—not as far up as Haines’ Bluff. Last night we got orders to be ready to march on 3 or 4 hours notice with 3 days cooked rations. This morning we find a column has been going past in a south-easterly direction for 3 or 4 hours—said to be to meet Johnston with his army that have come up somewhere near the Big Black for the relief of Vicksburg. Of course all this may be so or may not. A very large amount of artillery went out with this moving column this morning.”

Robert Browne continued to serve with the 100th Pennsylvania Infantry until his resignation on December 28, 1863. He later became a state senator in Pennsylvania and the president of Westminster College. He died in 1902.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Robert Browne’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Charles Johnson of the 16th Massachusetts Infantry and Theodore Harman of the 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 67: Charles Johnson 16th Massachusetts Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Johnson was born in 1836 and was living in Boston when he was commissioned as a captain in the 16th Massachusetts Infantry. He was married to Ellen “Nellie” Shepard Albree and the two had a son, Charles Berkley “Berk” Johnson, born in 1859. Charles Johnson joined the 16th Massachusetts Infantry very early in the war, receiving his commission in July, 1861. All of the letters in this collection were addressed to his wife, Nellie, though he frequently asked her to pass on messages to his father and mother.

The 16th Massachusetts Infantry at Camp Hamilton, Virginia

Captain Charles Johnson of Company F, 16th Massachusetts Infantry.
Captain Charles Johnson of Company F, 16th Massachusetts Infantry via findagrave.org

The letters in our collection begin in November, 1861, while the 16th Massachusetts Infantry was stationed at Camp Hamilton, Virginia. The first letter was written on November 4, 1861 and in it Charles Johnson mentions rumors about a disastrous battle at Ball’s Bluff, though he has not received official details yet.

“There are a large number of rumors about. Those in relation to the Naval Expedition are bad; rumor says the fleet landed its forces at Ball Bluff or someplace 25 miles this side of Charleston, S. Carolina. You will hear of it by the newspapers before this reaches you if it be true.”

The Battle of Ball’s Bluff, fought on October 21, 1861, did prove to be another humiliating defeat for Union forces, brought about in part because of the disorganized crossing of Union forces across the Potomac River and the inability to withdraw them quickly after facing Confederate resistance, eventually leading the Union forces to be routed.

However, given that Captain Charles Johnson mentions the Naval Expedition outside Charleston, South Carolina, he may have been conflating the then ongoing Battle of Port Royal with the previous fight at Ball’s Bluff or may have been drawing a comparison to the scattered arrival of ships at Port Royal caused by a violent storm to the disorganized crossing of the Potomac. Unlike the Battle of Ball’s Bluff, the Battle of Port Royal did result in a Union victory and the capture of Fort Walker and Fort Beauregard, though this did not occur until after Charles Johnson’s letter had been written.

Charles Johnson wrote to Nellie again on November 17, 1861, and this time revealed some of the circumstances and difficulties of camp life at Camp Hamilton.

“Last day and night have been quite cold but my company have in each tent a brick furnace, most of which work well, keeping their tents warm through the night. Mice are getting to be quite thick and troublesome. They completely—I almost thought so—spoiled my best coat eating two great holes in the back. One of the holes was three inches long by two wide but a tailor in my company succeeded in getting cloth enough inside of my coat to piece it and it will not show much now.”

A week later, Charles Johnson wrote again and mentioned a large build up of forces in the area, perhaps preparing for an expedition.

“There has been within the last week a great addition to our numbers and troops are continually arriving. We shall have in a fortnight a large army if reports are true. We don’t know whether they are intended for a naval expedition or to make an approach from here which if we do, we shall have the support of the Navy. Four gunboats night before last shelled a Virginia regiment lately encamped causing them to evacuate.”

Winter at Camp Hamilton

After his November 24 letter, there is a gap in Charles Johnson’s letters until January 1862. Now heavy into the winter season, Charles Johnson’s thoughts turned from upcoming expeditions to making it through the cold season as comfortably as possible. On January 16, 1862, he wrote about one surprising planned improvement to their camp: a gymnasium. He also responded to a wish from his wife that she could come down and visit or stay with him.

“We are building a gymnasium for the men of the regiment for their health and amusement during the rainy season. I am afraid that I shall have to say no to your wish as I have not any accommodations. We shall have wet and bad weather for moving about during the next two or three months.”

With the weather making most large scale actions impossible, Charles Johnson instead wrote about gifts from home and the poor conditions of the area, as shown in this except from a letter written January 22, 1862.

“I received from home a large box containing sack from Mrs. Glidden and some gingerbread from Mrs. Leeds. Also peanuts, cake, gelatin, and two bottles currant wine which has not improved any. The weather is and will be unpleasant for the next two months. The roads are in a horrible condition.”

Finally in March the improving weather brought rumors of upcoming movements, though in Charles Johnson’s case it also meant that there would be no chance of him traveling home on a furlough.

“I am sorry to disappoint father but I may stay here. The reasons are against our moving. All the regiments arriving are brigaded and unless we form a brigade of the regiments here, we shall probably remain for some time at least. You need not be surprised to hear that General McClellan has arrived at Fort Monroe. I don’t know nor can I conjecture the number of troops arrived or to come but they are here in large numbers and are continually coming. I saw sixteen large river steamboats entering Hampton Roads together. It was a magnificent sight.”

Charles Johnson at Alexandria, Virginia

Photo of Alexandria, Virginia.
Photo of Alexandria, Virginia.

In the fall of 1862, Charles Johnson wrote to Nellie from Alexandria, Virginia, where the 16th Massachusetts Infantry. Unlike his objections in January, Charles Johnson now welcomed a visit from Nellie to their new quarters, provided the regiment stayed at Alexandria.

“In case I had no objection to your paying me a visit what would you have to pay Lottie while you were with me—say you were with me a month either with or without Berk. If we should stay here through the winter, I might be willing you should pay me a visit but you would be obliged to undergo a great deal of inconvenience more than you can imagine. For twenty-five dollars, I imagine I can prepare a place where you would be warm, equal in. size to two wall tents. This is only what I think of it now. I may change my mind when the time comes.

Quartermaster Copeland would have his wife here perhaps at the same time. I bought a few boards today to floor my tent. I hope soon to know whether we shall stay or not. Three weeks will decide the question.”

Unfortunately, it is not clear from subsequent letters whether Nellie ever came to visit Charles Johnson.

In the final letter in our collection, written on March 26, 1863, Charles Johnson wrote that he expected the 16th Massachusetts Infantry to move out soon.

“I will write you a few hurried lines. Indications seem to point to an early move. Officers are to have an opportunity to send all baggage over twenty lbs. for storage. There is also a rumor that they will stop granting leaves of absence after the 1st of April which will prevent my coming.”

Charles Johnson was wounded at the Battle of Chancellorsville in May, 1863, and then again at the Battle of Gettysburg in July, 1863. After being hit in the thigh and limping three quarters of a mile to the rear, Captain Johnson spent several days in a field hospital with inadequate sanitary conditions. He returned home to Boston and Nellie and spent three days with her before dying of his wounds on July 17, 1863.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Captain Charles Johnson’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up fore a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections, like Theodore Harman of the 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry and Henry Beckwith of the USS New Ironsides and USS Yantic.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 66: Theodore Harman 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Theodore Harman was born January 29, 1836 to George Harman and Mary Ann (Steinmetz) Harman of Pennsylvania. On February 2, 1862, he married Louisa Moyer. Only a few months later, on October 11, 1862, Theodore Harmon enlisted in the 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry as a sergeant in company I. His brother, Peter, also served in the same regiment in company A.

Theodore Harman’s Entrepreneurship

Ambrotype of Theodore Harman taken in March 1863 at Brooks Station, Virginia. Theodore mentions getting this picture taken in a letter written March 14, 1863.
Ambrotype of Theodore Harman taken in March 1863 at Brooks Station, Virginia via Spared & Shared. Theodore mentions getting this picture taken in a letter written March 14, 1863.

Theodore Harman wrote his first letters to his wife while at camp at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, before the regiment was formally mustered into service. His first letter in our collection was written on September 29, 1862 and gave a very brief summary of camp life.

“And now I will let you know a little about our soldiering that we have. We sit in the tents but [it] is so very hot we hardly can stand it. And some is a writing and some is a looking and some a sleeping and some a reading & some a praying & so they are all busy. And now I will let you know a little about our grub. We get pork, beef, beans, & rice, very good bread & crackers, coffee as much as we want. We don’t suffer.”

The next day, Theodore Harman revealed that he was going to be a sergeant in his company and was already earning some extra money by working as a barber.

“And now I let you know that I hain’t cook anymore. I resigned. They put me in for sergeant. I like it better. It hain’t quite so greasy and I am very busy every day. I am barber. I cut very many hair. I charge 5 cents apiece.

And now I let you know that we get our bounty today but I tell you this is fun for the fellows to get their money. But I won’t keep one dollar. I will send you five and send father 45. I can earn every day as much as I want for spending money with cutting hair.”

After waiting several weeks for their uniforms to arrive, Theodore Harman wrote  on October 12, 1862, that the uniforms had finally come and that he was earning even more money by charging money to sew on epaulets.

“And now I must close. I am very sleepy. I didn’t sleep much in two nights and my hand hurts so bad. I sowed epaulets on the soldier’s coats. I got eight cents a piece. I earned 71 cents today.”

Soon after, the regiment traveled down to Virginia and was assigned to Franz Sigel’s brigade.

The Battle of Fredericksburg

While the 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry did not participate directly in the Battle of Fredericksburg, they were on their way there when the fighting occurred. On December 14, 1862, Theodore Harman wrote about being on the way to Fredericksburg and the large number of Union soldiers he encountered on the way.

“And now I must let you know that we had a very hard march and hain’t done marching yet. We have marched now for days through the mud and dirt till over our shoes. That was the hardest job that I ever had but this morning I feel good. I am ready for another march and I think we will march off very shortly. I thought we would take off already but we wait for our rations. They are all we just got two crackers and one pound of steak for one day and that was rare but the men ate it raw. But I can’t do that. I just threw my steak in the fire till it was roasted, then I ate it. I tell you, Louisa, soldiering is a hard life but I like it better than I did. I think we will be down in Fredericksburg tomorrow. Then we will have some fighting to do. But that is just what I like.

I seen more soldiers this morning than I ever seen [before]. They are all moving down to Fredericksburg. They’ve been marching through this place since this morning daylight but I think we will start pretty soon too and I think they are about 30 thousand of soldiers that camped here last night and they are all going down to Fredericksburg. And if we are all down, they are about three hundred thousand soldiers there.”

While the 153rd Pennsylvania was spared from the fighting, the 129th Pennsylvania was not. The brother of Theodore Harman’s wife served in the 129th Pennsylvania, and on December 20, 1862, Theodore Harman wrote to her about what he learned after visiting the regiment.

The first thing Theodore Harman reported was that her brother, Josiah Moyer, had been wounded.

“…I asked where Josiah was and then they told me that was wounded and was in the hospital. Then that broke my heart to hear such news but they said he was just slightly wounded. The doctor dressed the wound and took the ball out and then he felt better again. But the doctor said that it weren’t dangerous with him.”

After the assurance that her brother would be alright, Theodore Harman then shared more details about the battle.

“They say it was awful to see our men fall and the balls came just like hail and killed our men like flies. The loss [in] killed, wounded, and taken prisoner of that regiment was about one hundred and forty men and out of Company D was twelve wounded and two killed and four taken prisoner and a few missing.

But they told me that they have seen enough of fighting. They don’t want to see more of it. War is a bad thing to hear of but it is worse to see it. I think I have seen enough of it too. I don’t want to see more of it either. I am just seen enough of it if I only wouldn’t never see more of it. It is nothing but humbug and money machine. Our officers is too dumb to fight. They know how to take the men in the fight but they don’t know how to get them out. I think our loss is about ten thousand killed and wounded and the rebels is about twenty-five hundred killed and wounded. That’s what the rebel paper says.”

The modern estimates for Union losses are 1,284 killed, 9,600 wounded and 1,769 captured and missing. Confederate forces suffered about half as many casualties.

The Battle of Chancellorsville

Image of wounded soldiers being moved across the Rappahannock River under flag of truce after the Battle of Chancellorsville.
Image of wounded soldiers being moved across the Rappahannock River under flag of truce after the Battle of Chancellorsville.

On May 5, 1863, Theodore Harman wrote to his wife, Louisa, about the recent Battle of Chancellorsville.

“I again take the opportunity to address a few lines to let you know that I am safe so far. And further I let you know that we left our old camp on the 27th of April and marched down towards Kelley’s Ford and then we crossed the Rappahannock on the 28th at about midnight and then we laid down and slept till morning. And then we marched again and so we marched day and night till on the first of May the Rebels made an attack on us. We was in the woods and had formed a line of battle and the Rebs made a charge on us and we commenced to fire on them and fought about five minutes. And then the balls came just like a hail storm and then we got orders to retreat. And then the knapsacks flew and we run through the woods and the balls flew around our heads. I thought every minute one would hit me but thank God, I am safe.

And so they kept on fighting till about midnight and then on Sunday morning they commenced to fight again and so they fought most all day, but [by] then we wasn’t in [the fight] anymore. They fight every day along our line [at] the time I am writing this letter. They have [had] a pretty hard skirmishing but we [continue to] drive them back. I think the Rebels lost [a] great many more than we did. I hope we will lick them this time.

Our regiment didn’t lose very many. I don’t think that our company lost any killed but five wounded — namely Joseph Breidinger shot in the face, and Samuel Drach shot in the back, and Moses Warner shot in the leg, and George Howell shot in the neck and a horse ran over Israel Kocher but he hain’t hurt very bad. But there is several of our men missing — Lewis Clewell and some others — but then they will come to the regiment yet. And further I let you know that [brother] Peter is amongst the missing too but I think he will come to the regiment again.”

On May 10, 1863, Theodore Harman wrote another letter and revealed that his brother was still missing.

“Time seems very long and lonesome now. Since the battle was [fought], I feel quite lost being I don’t know where Peter is, but I hope he will come to the regiment yet. I don’t hope that he is killed or wounded but I think he sticks somewheres yet. Some told me that they seen him on this side of the river and Harry [Harrison] Gross [of Co. A] is lost too. But I seen Harry on our retreat and then he was alright yet. There is some twenty missing of Company A but perhaps they are taken prisoner. I feel very sorry for the boys but I hope we will see them yet.”

In another letter written on May 18, Theodore Harman revealed that his own survival in the battle was from being able to quickly retreat.

“I never thought I would come safe out of that fight [at Chancellorsville] but God and my legs spared me there. My intention wasn’t to run but I had no other way to get out but to run. And further I let you know that Peter is not here yet. The report is that they were taken prisoner but I am glad if it is true because Louisa [Peter’s wife], she troubles herself about him. I received a letter from her last night and she is in great trouble. But I wrote to her that she shouldn’t trouble herself about him because he is alright. Some of our men told me that he and Harry Gross and George Fritz was taken prisoner but I think we will find out more about it before long.”

Sadly, Theodore Harman got sick with typhoid fever in June, 1863 and died at Columbia College Hospital on June 29, 1863. His brother, Peter, was indeed captured at the Battle of Chancellorsville and was taken to Libby Prison until he was exchanged on May 30, 1863. Peter survived the war and lived until 1927.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Theodore Harman’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Henry Beckwith of the USS New Ironsides and Thomas Griffith of the 116th New York Infantry.

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 65: Henry Beckwith USS New Ironsides

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Beckwith was born in 1839 to David Beckwith and Eliza (Rathbone) Beckwith of Chesterfield, Connecticut.  He enlisted in the US Navy on June 27, 1862 and served as the Third Assistant Engineer on the USS New Ironsides.

Henry Beckwith Third Assistant Engineer

Postwar CDV of Henry Beckwith.
Postwar CDV of Henry Beckwith.

The first letter in our collection was written by Henry Beckwith on October 13, 1862 while the USS New Ironsides was near Hampton Roads, Virginia. The USS New Ironsides was a broadside ironclad ship constructed in 1862. In the letter Beckwith described some of his duties as the Third Assistant Engineer of the ship as well as the large amount of coal required to keep it running.

“We have the same duties to do on a Sunday that we have any other day which are not usually very tedious when laying under banked fires as we are at present. But sometimes at sea we see little different times. I mean by banked fires that they are piled up with coal & lays in smothering state but can be raked & in a few minutes will become a good fire. When running, we burn 25 tons of coal per day. Under banked fire, [only] 4 tons. Our engines are sixteen hundred (1600) horse power—that is, they will draw as much as 1600 horses like “Old Tom” on level ground, up or down hill.”

The nature of his duty also meant that Henry Beckwith spent a great deal of time on the ship below decks.

“We arrived here the 27th ultimo & strange to say I haven’t set foot on land since. No, I haven’t since the 23rd ultimo. Sometimes for twenty-four hours I don’t see daylight. I have been writing all the time since we arrived here & by candlelight at that. We are obliged to do almost everything by the said light such as writing, studying, eating &c. &c. In fact, our quarters are just about as dark as our cellar without a light.”

Henry Beckwith closed the letter with an announcement that he had to prepare for battle, though he himself was a noncombatant.

“Oh! I must stop writing very soon to go to quarters—that is, to arrange ourselves in the proper position for battle. I, you know, am classed with the non-combatants. Am in the same general class as doctors from the fact that I am not obliged & not expected to do any fighting. When I spoke of quarters on the opposite page, I meant our room in which we stay the most of the time which is about 12 feet by 9. I would [pay] $10 per month if I could have one all to myself with good windows in it but such luxuries are unknown to us on board ship. In fact, no officer in the ship except the captain can read either a book or paper on the Quarter Deck—one at first very naturally says that is very hard—over and above exact; but this is a man-of-war and that is a fair sample of the rules of the U.S. Navy.”

The USS New Ironsides in South Carolina

Photo of the USS New Ironsides taken between 1863 and 1865.
Photo of the USS New Ironsides taken between 1863 and 1865 via Wikimedia Commons.

On February 2, 1863, Henry Beckwith wrote from outside Charleston, South Carolina.

“We arrived off this place and are now laying here on the blockade. I am as well as usual which is exceedingly well. You may know by this that I am in a great hurry which is owing to the fact that the mail leaves ship in about ten minutes. I expect that we shall lay here for a long time.”

On February 21, 1863, the New Ironsides was still outside Charleston and Henry Beckwith wrote to his mother and told her that he had adjusted well to having a life at sea.

“I have seen the time when if I had some pleasant employment on shore I had as soon be there as anywhere, but at present, give me the life of a sailor. I at first was afraid of the deep blue sea but since it has been so parental to me, I pass without a murmur its former chidings to my race by. I wish that you could look in upon me sometimes when vessel rolls so much that I could not lay in my berth without holding on at the sides which is often the case—or when we cannot keep anything on the table. You would think that I had a very hard time. I doubt not but that you would advise me to come home. Ah! such things did annoy me, but not now.”

On April 11, 1863, Henry Beckwith gave a short account of the First Battle of Charleston Harbor which occurred several days early on April 7, 1863.

“We made an attack on Charleston the 7th instant & neither whipped or was whipped & no one on board of this ship was either killed or wounded.

I should have written before but I considered it a very trivial affair. Consequently you will please pardon me for the neglect. I will not give you an account of the fight for I consider it an insignificant thing. We were struck only 49 times during the whole & I am of the opinion that none of their shot were more than ten inch.”

The USS New Ironsides continued to do duty around Charleston Harbor. On October 8, 1863, Henry Beckwith wrote from off Morris Island, South Carolina, and revealed that he had not been off the ship in over eight months.

“Charleston has not been occupied by the Union forces and consequently I am not on my way home. Everything is progressing well here & the general health of the fleet is excellent—mine unsurpassed. Very probable I have letters from you on the way for I have not received any for several weeks. I went on shore a few days since—the first time since the 1st of February which was about eight months.”

Henry Beckwith and the USS Yantic

Image of the USS Yantic.
Image of the USS Yantic via Wikimedia Commons.

Henry Beckwith and the USS New Ironsides remained in South Carolina throughout the first half of 1864. On August 19, 1864, Henry Beckwith wrote  home from Fort Delaware and revealed he had transferred to another, much smaller, ship, the USS Yantic.

“I have been detached from the New Ironsides & attached to this ship. I am very much pleased with the change. The New Ironsides was a very large & effective vessel. This is a wooden gunboat & of the smallest class—is a very fast & pleasant ship. I was suited when I was ordered to the Ironsides & am now pleased with my situation. The Chief Engineer of the Philadelphia Navy Yard applied for me to come to the Yard with him in which case I would have been ashore all the time but I did not want to come & was not slow to express myself against it & I was finally ordered on board this vessel.

We started from Philadelphia on this vessel on the 13th inst. on a trial trip. We have been cruising up to the present time along the Jersey coast, the southern shore of Long Island, Block and Nantucket Islands. We are now on our way to Philadelphia where we will arrive tomorrow where we expect to remain 10 days or a fortnight & then we expect to make our final departure on a cruise.”

On September 9, 1864, Henry Beckworth revealed that the USS Yantic was now on duty protecting against possible Confederate piracy around Massachusetts. He also gave an update on what his old ship, the USS Ironsides, was doing.

“We are on our way to “Woods Hole” which is on the coast of Massachusetts near Nantucket. We are going there for the purpose of protecting the shipping at that place against attacks of rebel pirates. We have no idea how long we are to remain there.

I received a letter from you a week or two since for which I am greatly obliged. The New Ironsides is still North but expects to leave in a few days for her station “off Charleston.” She was expecting to go to Mobile but under the circumstances of Farragut’s success she will not be needed.”

Henry Beckwith continued to serve on the USS Yantic through the end of the war and until June 5, 1866 when he transferred to the US Naval Academy. After a one year assignment at the academy he served on board the USS Saco and USS Franklin. He retired from active service in 1873 and died of consumption on July 12, 1885.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Henry Beckwith’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Thomas Griffith of the 116th New York Infantry and Josiah Osgood of the 24th Massachusetts Infantry.

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