Author: Gloria Wickman

Research Arsenal Spotlight 40: Benjamin Hulburd 2nd Vermont Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Benjamin Hulburd was born in 1822 in Waterville, Vermont. He was 40 years old when he first enlisted in the 7th Vermont Infantry in 1862. He was discharged for disability after about a year of service. Not letting that stop him, he then enlisted in the 2nd Vermont Infantry in late 1863 to serve alongside his brother, Daniel Hulburd, and his nephew, Loyal Hulburd.

The Research Arsenal collection contains letters written by Benjamin Hulburd during his time in the 7th Vermont Infantry as well as the 2nd Vermont Infantry, but for the purposes of this spotlight we will focus on his time with the 2nd Vermont Infantry.

All of the letters in the collection were written by Benjamin Hulburd to his wife, Juliana (Miller) Hulburd and their children.

The 2nd Vermont Infantry at Petersburg

Photo of fortifications along the Petersburg lines.
Photo of fortifications along the Petersburg lines.

On June 24, 1864, Benjamin Hulbard wrote to his wife from outside Petersburg. He detailed a recent fight where the various Vermont regiments took heavy losses.

“We left the place we were in when Loyal left Tuesday night, marched all night. Did not get more than 8 miles. Came to this place — a point on the railroad — formed our lines, sent out pickets, skirmishers, & pioneers who destroyed about 2 miles of railroad, who were driven back — all that were not killed or taken prisoners. We threw up breastworks in about 15 minutes, planted ourselves behind them expecting an immediate charge upon us as our picket said the rebs had strong skirmish lines & 2 or 3 lines of battle. We lay waiting to pay them off when they presented the charge but it seems they fell back after taking a host of prisoners. We lay till about 10 o’clock, then all left & fell back perhaps a mile & a half or two miles. What our next move will be, I of course can’t tell. On the whole, I call it a hard blow for us but still I don’t know but good will come out of it as a large force of the enemy must have come here & I don’t know but what those of our left where we came from have taken the advantage of the time & attacked Petersburg. I can not particularize — only we have had smart fighting here — gained nothing — lost heavily.

Now for the rumors of the morning. In the first place, probabilities. The 4th Vermont Regiment was out on skirmish line — not more than ¼ come in — the rest prisoners. About ½ of the 11th Vermont out but very few returned as yet. There is but little doubt but what Nathan is prisoner as his company was out & as yet none come in. I understand that about 8 companies of 11 was detailed & went out. I saw [Albert J.] Bedell of Nathan’s company. He tells me this. He was cooking for the company & did not go out. They may come in yet or some of them as they are scattering in to the 4th some this morning, but a large number — probably all — on the way to Richmond or will be soon. Tell George that it may all come out right with Nathan yet.

There is something going on to our right this morning — probably near Petersburg — as there is heavy cannonading in that direction. Would you like to know how I feel when I am in a fight or expect to go in? Well a fellow don’t have any particular. I sit or lie & chew tobacco if I have it. I always dread a skirmish line the worst. In that case, a line of men are sent way out in the front to see what is there with nothing to protect them — only their guns. They are placed about 5 or 6 paces apart, advance cautiously &c. Loyal will tell you all about it as I find I am using up paper & writing nothing.”

The “Nathan” mentioned as being taken prisoner was Benjamin Hulburd’s nephew, Nathan C. Hulburd of the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery.

A few days later, on June 27, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd wrote again to his wife, telling her that things had settled down for the moment, at least for the 2nd Vermont Infantry.

“We, Vermont 2d, have been in this place now this is the fourth day without being called upon for anything. The 2nd, 5th, & 11th Vermont are here together with the other regiments composing the 2nd Division of the 6th Corps behind good fortifications with our tents up for a shade having a good rest, altho it seems there is constant fighting on our right — probably in the vicinity of Petersburg I should think by the sound of the cannonading.”

Benjamin Hulburd also worried for his nephew.

“I feel sorry about Nathan but guess he will stand captivity as well as most anyone for camp life agreed with him. I don’t know as I ever see him look tougher than now. I expect Ed Page is gone up too.”

Benjamin Hulburd and the 2nd Vermont Infantry go to Washington

In July, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd and the 2nd Vermont Infantry were brought urgently to Washington, D.C. to shore up against a Confederate attack. On July 12, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd wrote a letter home detailing the rapid movement.

“Well Juliana, I am here now 150 miles, or such a matter, from where I was 2 days ago. Got here last night by steamer from City Point — 9 miles from Petersburg. March to City Point Saturday night, took steamer 4 P.M. & got here 4 P.M. yesterday. All excitement — skirmishing within 6 miles of [Washington] City. In 5 days the rebs got nearer Washington than our men have to Richmond in 3 years. Guess we can hold them. Can’t tell how much force we have. 6th Corps came from Petersburg…

…I understand the rebs made a charge on the fort where Nathan was last winter yesterday. Thousand stories — don’t know what to believe. Only know that skirmishing is going on now for I can see it & occasionally our men from the forts around throw shells to the rebs.”

In August, 1864, the 2nd Vermont Infantry was camped near Harper’s Ferry. Benjamin Hulburd hoped that he would be able to return to Vermont on recruiting duty, but the chances were slim.

“It has been awful hot here this summer and not scarcely any rain. I asked a favor of our Capt. yesterday which he said he would try to help me to but I think it rather doubtful about my having it granted — viz: If there were any details from this company to go to Vermont on recruiting service this fall, that I might be favorably remembered but it will probably be given to someone longer in the regiment.”

Even though Benjamin Hulburd’s morale was failing, he tried his best to remember  that things could be worse.

“Well, at present I can’t tell anything about our present or future prospects. I am almost discouraged, but yet I do not complain. I am better off than thousands and of course am thankful. I suppose we ( the 6th Corps) are here now to keep the Rebs out of Harpers Ferry — but after we hear that they have crossed the river below us and gone into Maryland and Pennsylvania and burned some few villages, we may have orders to hurry down and prevent it.”

Continued Skirmishes and Battles

View of Harper’s Ferry taken in 1862. The 2nd Vermont Infantry spent part of 1864 camped near the town.
View of Harper’s Ferry taken in 1862. The 2nd Vermont Infantry spent part of 1864 camped near the town.

On August 22, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd wrote home about another recent skirmish the 2nd Vermont Infantry found themselves in.

“Yesterday (Sunday) morning about 9 o’clock, the rebs attacked our picket line. The Old Vermont Brigade was immediately sent to the front to skirmish. We moved forward at a double quick [and] got our position. Altho our pickets had been driven back a little from their lines, you must judge whether I worked any or not. I stood in my tracks & loaded & fired 185 shots without stopping but a few minutes once or twice when I waited for cartridges. It is said that our brigade lost in killed & wounded about 250. I should think that was a rather high figure but it is possible. Tell Loyal that Sgt. [James C.] Hutchinson was shot dead & Linus Loveland lost an arm. That was all the casualties in Company H.”

Benjamin’s final letter in our collection was written on September 7, 1864 while he and the 2nd Vermont Infantry were outside of Charleston, West Virginia.

“We are “lying in wait” at present. Our object chiefly, I think, to hold the rebs here but they are dodging about us on the alert.

We are now some 10 miles from Charlestown. Moved here the 2nd inst., called up Sunday night at midnight, packed up, started off, went about a mile, halted, threw up a line of breastworks, got them finished at daylight, then had to give them up to another division of the boys & we went back to where we started from, put up our tents again, & are here yet. When we shall move again, can’t tell. May have orders to move in an hour.”

Sadly, Benjamin Hulburd was killed at the Battle of Cedar Creek a little over a month after this letter was written. His brother and his nephew, Loyal, serving alongside him in the 2nd Vermont Infantry both survived, but his nephew Nathan Hulburd who was captured in battle died at Andersonville.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Benjamin Hulburd’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Samuel Huntingdon of the 100th New York Infantry and Amasa Hammond of the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 39: Samuel Huntingdon 100th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Samuel Huntingdon was born in 1829 and lived in Carrollton, New York. He was married to Elizabeth “Libby” Desire (Fuller) Huntingdon and the couple had three children: Adele, Milford, and Ruba. In 1863 Samuel Huntingdon was drafted into company A of the 100th New York Infantry.

Drafted Men vs. Substitutes

When Samuel Huntingdon was first drafted in the fall of 1863, he spent some time waiting to be assigned to a regiment. While getting equipped at the barracks in Dunkirk, New York, Samuel Hunting observed some of the differences in how drafted men and substitutes were treated, which he shared in a letter written on October 9, 1863.

“I have got my clothing. I have got my boots taped and going to wear them. The provost marshal thought it best they let drafted men go where they are a mind to go but the substitute cannot wink without they watch him. I have got a letter of recommend[ation] from the provost marshal to go into any regiment I may choose at Elmira. We start for there tomorrow morning. The provost said I might act as one of the guard to take care of the substitutes. Mr. Beardsley told him that I could be trusted in any spot or place.”

By October 11, 1863, Samuel Huntingdon had been sent on to Elmira with many of the other drafted men and substitutes. Once there, he hoped that his rheumatism would allow him to be sent home without having to serve. Much like in Dunkirk, men serving as substitutes were not trusted.

“I [have] been well since I left home. I think that I shall have the rheumatism so I cannot do duty for my right shoulder feels some sore this morning. When we left Dunkirk, the drafted me had all the liberty that anyone could ask. There is no examination to be had here. I understand there to be one at Alexandria and I may be sent home but do not expect too much…

…Tell George I am glad I did not let him go as substitute for they show them no mercy at all.”

Samuel Huntingdon’s hope for an early discharge continued as evidenced in a letter written on October 16, 1863.

“They are sending back so many of the drafted men from Washington that they will have a board of examination here, so the head doctor told Brown that they would be here in a few days—I think next week. I think that was the reason why we did not go. My back troubles so I think I shall get clear but do not think too much of it, but hope for the best.”

Despite his hopes of going home, Samuel Huntingdon found himself assigned to the 100th New York Infantry and at Morris Island, South Carolina by the end of the month.

The 100th New York Infantry at Morris Island

Camp of the 100th New York Infantry on Morris Island.
Camp of the 100th New York Infantry on Morris Island.

On October 29, 1863 Samuel Huntingdon wrote to his wife about his current location and the regiment to which he had been assigned.

“We are assigned to the 100th Regiment New York. I think we shall stay here until Charleston is taken. I think it is very healthy here. This regiment has not lost but a very few men by sickness since it came here last spring. We had a very good time in coming here. The vessel rolled some but it did not make [me] sick. We was five days on the water. We are in hearing of the guns at Fort Wagner and they are firing on Sumter night and day all the time.

This island [is] nothing but sand and my feet sink into the sand as it would into snow. The weather is fine here now—like the last of September at home. We went to Hilton Head first and then back here. I can hear the cannon as I write up to the head of the island. Their second examination to be had. If I was a single man, I think I would like the service first rate. But I have a home, wife, and children that [I] cannot forget and would not if I could for they are all in all to me.”

Most of the time Samuel Huntingdon and the 100th New York Infantry faced routine duty on the island, with occasional clashes with Confederate forces, as he described in a letter  written on November 22, 1863.

“Our folks keep firing at the rebs and they fire back sometimes but do not hurt. We was all called out one night and went up to the front but there was no one to hurt us when we got there for the rebs did not come over. I saw the rebs fire a number of shells but they done no hurt. They looked splendid in the night. In the morning we came back to our quarters. We was in Fort Wagner.”

Samuel Huntingdon Misses Home

Unidentified camp at Morris Island taken in 1863.
Unidentified camp at Morris Island taken in 1863.

A common thread through all of Samuel Huntingdon’s letters is how much he wants to return home to his wife and family. Though he did his duty and never entertained any thoughts about running away, he nevertheless wished to return home as soon as he could. He also turned to religion to comfort him that he might soon be reunited with his family.

On February 7, 1864 Samuel Huntingdon shared with his wife that he often dreamed about going home to be with them.

“I dreamed of being at home and seeing you, It was not on a furlough either. I often dream of being North and seeing you. I dreamed of getting my box last night but it was a dream. But do not worry about it, dear one. It will come in a good time for I only had two left. I sent one letter to you without a stamp. I send all of them to George without stamps. I shall keep them for you for they can pay the postage, I think, on without whining. I know them well enough for that. I shan’t pay them out for anything if I can help it. I don’t think we shall get our pay till the last of March but can’t tell. We can’t tell anything as we hear it from the North or from our homes. Let us take all things for the best and trust in God for He alone can deliver us from this trouble.

Dear one, then let us not give up never, but try to serve Him in all things though the times may seem dark, yet there is a fair day after a storm.”

Samuel Huntingdon also spent some of his free time making gifts for his wife and children. He wrote that he made each of them rings out of coconut shells and would be sending them along.

“I have made each of you a ring out of coconut shell and I will send them to you in this letter. You can divide them to suit your fingers if you can. I don’t know as you can wear them. If you can’t, you can keep them till you can, They are pretty tuff stuff and hard. I may send you something else some time but could not think of anything else now. The largest one I made for you, dear Libby, & I have worn it some on my little finger on my right hand. I thought it would be right for one of your fingers.”

In Samuel Huntingdon’s final letter  in our collection, written on March 3, 1864, he lamented that he didn’t realized how blessed his life was before he was drafted into service.

“When I was at home, I did not realize the blessings that I enjoyed. There is no children here to while away an hour with or a dear companion to talk to, but all is for war—for one man to kill his fellow man in order to gratify a few. But it seems as though it was most played out and I hope it is from the bottom of my heart.”

Sadly, Samuel Huntingdon was never able to return home. He was captured at the Battle of Drewry’s Bluff, Virginia on May 16, 1864. He died of chronic diarrhea at the parole camp in Annapolis, Maryland on December 21, 1864.

We’d like to thank William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Samuel Huntingdon’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Amasa Hammond of the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery and Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 38: Amasa Hammond 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Amasa Hammond was born in Rhode Island in 1846. At the age of 16, he enlisted in the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery as private in Company K. Because of his youth, Amasa Hammond wrote letters with a more forthright and plainspoken nature than many of the other letters we’ve previously featured in our spotlights. The letters in this collection were all written to Amasa Hammond’s friend, James Coman, which is another reason for the tone of the letters. Amasa Hammond’s letters also illustrate the sometimes difficult relations between soldiers fighting in the war and those left at home hundreds of miles away.

The Battle of Secessionville

Illustration of the Battle of Secessionville showing a bayonet charge of Union troops. Originally appeared in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper dated 12 July 1862 via Wikimedia Commons.
Illustration of the Battle of Secessionville showing a bayonet charge of Union troops. Originally appeared in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper dated 12 July 1862 via Wikimedia Commons.

Amasa Hammond wrote his first letter in this collection on June 18, 1862, shortly after the Battle of Secessionville (also sometimes called the first battle of James Island). At the time Amasa Hammond was sharing a tent with Edward Steere, Henry M. Smith, and some others. Partway through his letter, Amasa was interrupted by Edward Steere who wanted to add some of his own words as well. The second sentence in the quote below was started by Amasa Hammond and then finished by Edward Steere (italics). Some of Edward Steere’s additional comments unrelated to the battle have been removed and the description concludes with Amasa Hammond’s words again.

“I now take my pen to let you know that I am well after returning from the battlefield [of Secessionville] and so did all the rest of the boys. […] It was a horrible sight to see so many young fellows with their legs mangled in every form….

…So now I will finish. Edward came in just as I was writing about the wounded. Some had their hands off, some had their arms off, some with their head shot half off. Lieutenant [Isaac M.] Potter was wounded in the hand. We could not take the place because we didn’t have men enough but we have sent for twenty-five thousand men and a siege train and then we are going to try them again.”

In fact, there was no second attempt at taking Charleston by land, but there was still fighting ahead for the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery. In August, 1862, Amasa Hammond’s thoughts on the war had already turned grim though he still believed the Union would prevail.

“There ain’t much sight of settling this rebellion. The secesh is tough and hang like bulldogs but General Burnside will come at them when they don’t think of it and [k]nock them in a cock[ed] hat.”

Trouble at Home for Amasa Hammond

A frequent topic in the letters Amasa Hammond wrote is the strained relationship between him and his father. He was especially leery of a woman named “Paige” whom his father was spending a great deal of time with. It seems likely that his parents were either divorced or separated, because he also mentioned writing to his mother once. Paige never appears in a census living with Amasa’s father, William Hammond, so the relationship seems to have ended sometime before 1870.

In a letter written from Hilton Head, South Carolina on October 3, 1862, Amasa Hammond made his feelings about Paige very clear.

“I now take my pen to let you know how I get along. I am well as usual. I have written several times to you and my other friends but I ain’t had a letter from home but once since I received my box. But I don’t care a damn whether they write or not. I have got a place to send my money and it will be safe. But when folks can’t send me so much as a paper or a box, I don’t care a damn. I know what makes the things so unpleasant — ’tis that long legged Paige. James, I am plain-hearted. I just as like you you would read this letter to her as not and rather you would…

…James I want you to write soon and tell me what that damn gap mouth Paige said to this letter. I want my father to take that money that I sent home and get as drunk as he can before he lets her have any of it.”

A few days later, Amasa Hammond wrote again, revealing that he knew his father was trying to keep his relationship with Paige a secret from him.

“James, I want you to tell me what the reason why my father don’t write. Does he think because I am ten or twelve hundred miles off he thinks that I don’t hear what he is doing. I hear from Rhode Island.”

The Second Battle of Pocotaligo

Photograph of dock built by Federal troops at Hilton Head, South Carolina in 1862. Many of the letters Amasa Hammond wrote were datelined from Hilton Head via Library of Congress.
Photograph of dock built by Federal troops at Hilton Head, South Carolina in 1862. Many of the letters Amasa Hammond wrote were datelined from Hilton Head via Library of Congress.

In October, 1862, Amasa Hammond and the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery encountered another hard fight at the Second Battle of Pocotaligo. The Union army had hoped to further isolate Charleston, South Carolina by cutting off Charleston and Savannah Railroad, but Confederate forces managed to hold them off and they were forced to withdraw. Amasa Hammond described it as the second fight his company (K) took part in.

“It seems that you heard that we had a fight and you didn’t hear no lie. I saw the fighting but didn’t get in to it. Just as we got on the battlefield, the rebels got reinforced so fast that we had to retreat under the fire of the gunboats. It was the hardest sight that ever I saw except [at] James Island. The dead and wounded laid along for eight miles. We gathered up what we could of the wounded and carried them on board the boats and sent them to Hilton Head Hospital. That was the second fight for Co. K to be at.”

One of Amasa Hammond’s tentmates, Henry M. Smith wrote a letter at about the same time as Amasa. In it he asked their mutual friend, Jim, “What do the folks think about this damn shittin’ war around there? I think it is about played out. I wish I was at home.”

Amasa Hammond served in the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery until he mustered out at the end of the war on July 20, 1865. Several letters written by Edward N. Steere are also available at the Research Arsenal. You can read all of these letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents with a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry and David McGowan of the 47th Illinois Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 37: Richard Weld 44th Massachusetts Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Richard Weld was born in 1835 to Aaron Davis Weld and Abbie (Harding) Weld of West Roxbury, Massachusetts. He attended Harvard University and graduated in 1856. After a short stint in the Boston Infantry Cadets in the summer of 1862, Richard Weld enlisted in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry on September 12, 1862 and was commissioned as first lieutenant of company K.

The five letters in this collection were written by Richard Weld to his sister-in-law, Anna T. Reynolds. Serving alongside Richard Weld in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry, was Frank Reynolds who was Anna’s brother and the husband of Richard’s sister, Cordelia.

Meeting of the 45th and the 44th Massachusetts Infantry

Photo of Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via findagrave.org.
Photo of Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via findagrave.org.

In Richard Weld’s first letter to Anna, written one November 15, 1862, he described a meeting between the 45th and 44th Massachusetts Infantry regiments. Both were nine months regiments, but the 44th Massachusetts Infantry had already seen some fighting by the time they met up with the 45th Massachusetts Infantry in North Carolina, though Richard Weld admitted that their tales may have been a bit embellished.

“The 45th Regiment got here last night and our regiment took care of them. [John] Frank Emmons and Alpheus [H.] Hardy slept in Frank and Fred’s bed, and Fred went into the barracks to sleep. I have seen almost all the officers. They have almost all been in to call on me and it seemed very jolly to see them all again. They are going into Emery’s Brigade and will be about 3 miles from us on the other side of the river so that we shall hardly ever see any of them unless we meet by chance in the city. I tell you, we rather astonished them by our tales of marches and battles, which of course we made as glowing as possible. I was perfectly astonished with what indifference I stood there when the firing was going on on the evening of the skirmish. I had a perfectly resigned feeling if I was going to be hit, it was alright. It didn’t seem to trouble me at all.”

Campaign in North Carolina

Painting of the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge made by Merrill G. Wheelock, a soldier in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via Wikimedia Commons.
Painting of the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge made by Merrill G. Wheelock, a soldier in the 44th Massachusetts Infantry via Wikimedia Commons.

In December, 1862, the 44th Massachusetts Infantry fought in a series of engagements as part of General Foster’s expedition to Goldsboro. In a letter written on Christmas eve, 1862, Richard Weld summarized their recent fighting, which included battles at Kinston, Whitehall, and Goldsboro Bridge.

“Saturday we did not march far as our advance was skirmishing and fighting with the enemy’s skirmishers. Sunday we had the fight at Kinston and though we did not fire again, we were where the balls were pretty thick and had to march through all the wounded and dying. They were as cheerful as if they were on a pleasure excursion, telling us to go in and whip the devils and not minding their own wounds in the slightest.

The enemy broke and ran just as we got onto the field, retreating across the Neuse river and setting fire to the bridge which they had previously tarred. Our troops were too quick for them, however. We saved the bridge and took about 400 prisoners. We crossed over the river and slept that night in Kinston, which is a very pretty village. It is hardly large enough to call it anything else.

Monday we had a long march of 17 miles and were pretty well tired out. My feet were wet through all day and in fact for most of the ten days I hardly ever had dry feet in the daytime. Tuesday was the fight at Whitehall. We were drawn up on one side of the river behind a fence and the enemy were in the woods on the other side in the trees and out of sight so that we could only fire at random, without certainty of hitting them. They were mostly sharpshooters and it was wonderful that there were not more killed. We lost 21 killed and wounded in the regiment. I lost one man killed. The enemy soon discovered our Colors and the bullets flew around and over our heads in a most unpleasant proximity. [Capt.] George Lombard [of Co. C] and myself, being the nearest officers to the Colors, were particularly favored. We stayed there about two hours and it gave our men an excellent opportunity to use their guns and get used to firing which they had never done before. We marched a few miles further that night and halted.

The next day went to the Neuse river bridge which we burnt and tore up the railroad & this cut off the communication with the South for the present. Started on our return at ½ past 5 o’clock. We heard firing again in our rear and orders came to countermarch. You can not imagine the perfect feeling of despondency which came over all of us, tired as we were, at the thought of having to march all the way back again and perhaps have another fight. We marched back about 2 miles and then were drawn up by division in the woods at some crossroads. I almost wish we could have had a fight then. We were so cold and tired and mad that we should have fought like tigers. We stayed there about ½ an hour and once more resumed our homeward way and reached the campground of the previous night about 11 o’clock. The next three days we marched back about 65 miles and reached Newbern perfectly used up. I hope I should never see such marching again.”

Leisure in Camp Life

In January 27, 1863 the 44th Massachusetts found themselves in camp without much active fighting. To fight the tedium, they turned to throwing a dance, with some of the soldiers standing in as women in a rather elaborate fashion. Richard Weld described the dance in a letter to his sister-in-law.

“The idea of dancing—how could you know my feelings so, Annie, by mentioning such a subject? I suspect that the Marching Cotillion will be the fashionable dance when we get back as we shall have unwisely forgotten all the other dances. However, I will try not to forget the gallop, for my “cousin.” The other night they had a ball in Co. E barracks—a master and fancy ball combined. Some of the men made very handsome ladies. The dresses were got up capitally considering the means at hand. Shelter tents were the chief material and being of a party color (white), they made a very pretty show. Some three or four were really artistic in their performance, putting on the airs and ways of female loveliness to perfection and causing shouts of laughter. All the officers were there as lookers on, from Colonel down and quite a number from other regiments. One female of color was a feature of the occasion and he acted his part capitally. Then men’s dresses were good also—clowns and Spanish Hidalgos being prominent. The whole affair went off in the best spirits and was a perfect success. One of the 10th Connecticut officers said they had to come over to our regiment to see any life. Some of the ladies wore very pretty headdresses and one had very luxuriant flowing hair made of long grey moss of the country.”

In February, 1863, Richard Weld wrote to Anna about a recent bill that might have seen the nine months men being forced to serve a longer term of enlistment. Needless to say, he and the rest of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry were quite opposed to it.

“It is reported here today that Wilson has introduced a Bill to keep us out here for two years. Is it so? And if so, how does it strike you all? Instead of four months more, it will be nineteen months more—some difference I must confess. I suppose it will meet with hearty approval at home as it will save some of the lazy and indifferent ones from any fear of a new draft, but won’t there be some growling out here. I believe it will make a general row (a new general) in the army if they try it on 19 months. I shudder at the thought. We should all be perfectly demoralized by that time. I shall get sick right off and have to resign.”

Despite his fears, Richard Weld and the rest of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry mustered out at the end of their original nine months term on June 18, 1863. Richard Weld married Laura Townsend on Winsor on July 3, 1866. He died at the age of 75 in 1908.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Richard Weld’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like David McGowan of the 47th Illinois Infantry and Aaron Wheeler of the 50th Illinois Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 36: David McGowan 47th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

David McGowan was born in 1838 to James and Eliza (Conn) McGowan in Pennsylvania. His family later moved to Baltimore, Maryland, but David himself was living in Bennington, Illinois when he enlisted in Company I of the 47th Illinois Infantry. He wrote the seven letters in the Research Arsenal collection to a pair of sisters named Fannie and Ellen of Minonk, Illinois. Although not confirmed, these sisters were almost certainly Ellen Philena Fowler and Fannie Josepha Fowler who were living in Minonk in the 1860 census. It is not clear that there was any familial relationship between the Fowlers and the McGowans, but in one letter David McGowan mentions his mother visiting the Fowler family.

On September 4, 1861, David McGowan was mustered into the 47th Illinois Infantry as a corporal. By the time he mustered out, he had been promoted to first sergeant.

The 47th Illinois Infantry in Missouri

Photo of soldiers from Company E, 47th Illinois Infantry at Oxford, Mississippi taken on December 18, 1862 via Civil War Centennial Commission of Illinois.
Photo of soldiers from Company E, 47th Illinois Infantry at Oxford, Mississippi taken on December 18, 1862 via Civil War Centennial Commission of Illinois.

The first letter in our collection was written on January 20, 1862 from Otterville, Missouri. In the letter, David McGowan was hopeful that the war might come to an end soon, though was not confident in the current rumors around camp.

“We are in a very strong secession district but as yet have had no fight and not much prospect of getting into one. There is a rumor quite prevalent in camp to the effect that war operations (on both sides) have been stopped for twenty days and that the South is about suing for peace. I don’t put much confidence in it yet. If they do make a peace, I hope it will be honorable to the United States Government.”

The 47th Illinois was also busy at this time building quarters and other buildings for the winter, as David McGowan stated later in the same letter.

“We have got a hospital built out here in the woods. It is built out of logs. Of course it is not very smooth but will answer the purpose very well. We are thinning the timber very fast. It was pretty heavy timber when we first came here but is getting thinner very fast. There are a good many sick. Not many that are very bad.”

David McGowan and Camp Life

The next letter in our David McGowan collection was written nearly a year later, on December 15, 1863. However, it found David McGowan in similar circumstances, settling in for a cold winter with the 47th Illinois Infantry, this time in La Grange, Tennessee. He was then hopeful that a new theatre performance might bring some liveliness to camp.

“There is nothing of much interest going on here if I except the theatre. We are actually going to have a theatre in the seminary building. I expect they will be ready to commence operations about the last of this week. I don’t suppose it will amount to much. They say there are to be four actresses. I may go once just to get a sight of a woman for I can assure you, they are a scarce article in this benighted land. There are a few in town. Out Col’s wife and a Lt’s wife (neither of them are very attractive. I have not got acquainted with either of them yet) are here for a short stay.”

Unfortunately, the actresses seem to not have been enough to hold David McGowan’s interest as his follow up letter written on December 23, 1863, had a rather negative review of the theatre.

“Capt. Andrews and me went to the theatre last night. The plays were just tolerable. There was quite a full house and considerable noise and I did not enjoy it very much. The theatre is quite close to our camp. I can hear them now cheering the actors.”

When David McGowan wrote to Fannie Fowler a few weeks later on January 19, 1864, he humorously revealed one of the not-so-pleasant aspects of his current camp life.

“You know cats are my favorite. We have several in camp. They are more for ornament that use as the rats are larger than the cats. Mr. Hart & me have a board floor in our shebang and there are quite a number of rats under it. A couple of them got on our bed last night. One of them got on Mr. Hart’s head. He made a very energetic movement and the enemy was routed and beat a hasty retreat. One got on my feet but by gently moving them (my feet), the rat left. I don’t think they are very dangerous as they have no discipline. They fight among themselves—and you know they must be Union to be strength. Well, I suppose you think I have chosen a queer subject to write about. Still as they are our nightly comrades, I could not do less than mention them.”

David McGowan Considers Reenlistment

David McGowan mentions escorting supplies for General Sherman’s (pictured above) army in a letter to Ellen and Fannie written in 1864.
David McGowan mentions escorting supplies for General Sherman’s (pictured above) army in a letter to Ellen and Fannie written in 1864.

David McGowan enlisted in the 47th Illinois Infantry for a term of three years. As he neared the expiration of that term, one of the chief thoughts on his mind was whether he should reenlist as a veteran at his term’s expiration.

In a letter written January 19, 1864, he brought up his current indecision to Fannie Fowler.

“I have been thinking some of enlisting in the Veteran Corps. What do you think of the idea? From present appearances, very few of the 47th will re-enlist. That is one drawback to my trying it and then I want to have my friend’s opinion. I have had letters from home lately. Neither Father no Mother are very well. I rather think my duty calls me there when my term of service expires. I feel very anxious to see them all over more. And if I am spared until my term of service expires, I will not be slow in going there.”

David McGowan also told Ellen in a separate letter that his father had advised against reenlistment, stating “I received a letter from the East the other day. Father don’t want me to re-enlist. I guess maybe I will obey him.”

March, 1864 found the 47th Illinois Infantry in Vicksburg, supporting General Sherman. David McGowan wrote to both Ellen and Fannie about his current duties and the difficult conditions of the area.

“On the 26th of Feb. we (our brigade) started in charge of a large train of wagons with rations for General Sherman’s Army. We marched to Canton, Miss. in 48 hrs (56 miles). Canton is one of the prettiest towns I ever saw—something like Holly Springs, only not so large, is much prettier laid out, and is in the (by far) best portion of Mississippi I have yet seen. It is the county seat of Madison County.

We left there March 1st during a very cold rain. The roads coming back were execrable. We reached Black River Bridge on the third after a very tiresome march. We marched — or rather crawled — nearly all night two nights in succession. On our way out, we met a train of Negroes about 4 miles long, estimated at 5,000. They had all kinds of wagons, carts, etc., quite a number dying on the way. Mothers killing their own children to get rid of them. There was also a very long string of captured horses and mules. Sherman destroyed 23 engines at Canton, also a large number of cars and about 100 miles of railroad during his march. I suppose you have seen the account of his raid in the papers.”

Ultimately, David McGowan decided not to reenlist and mustered out with the other non-veterans on October 11, 1864. As he mentioned in an earlier letter, he returned to Maryland to be near his parents. The last letter  in our collection was written on December 22, 1864, and even at that time David McGowan still considered reenlisting in the service.

“Somehow I feel completely lost about half the time. If I was away from home I would think I had an attack of homesickness. Maybe i am homesick for my western home. At any rate, I long to see you all once more. Maybe I will get used to this kind of life after awhile but at present, it nearly kills me. Have half a notion to re-enlist and make one of the “300,000 more” that Uncle Abe has called for. Don’t you think I had better? I ought to be perfectly satisfied at home as I have the best of parents and the sweetest of sisters and all that makes home pleasant. Still there is a something wanting. Can you explain it? If you can, I wish you would.”

In the end, David McGowan did not reenlist. He married Ida Annette Miller in 1871 and worked as an auditor in the US Treasury Department. He died in 1924.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of David McGowan’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Aaron Wheeler of the 50th Illinois Infantry and Farner Shaw of the 4th Minnesota Infantry.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 35: Aaron Wheeler 50th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Aaron Wheeler was born in 1830 and resided in Avon, Illinois when he enlisted in Company G of the 50th Illinois Infantry on September 24, 1861. He was married to Fannie (Butler) Wheeler and had two young daughters named Mary and Rosa Jane. He gave his occupation as a carpenter, but the 1860 federal census listed him as a “saloon keeper.”

In the seven letters making up our Research Arsenal collection, Aaron Wheeler wrote primarily to his wife, Fannie, but also to his parents.

Bushwhackers in Missouri

In November 1861, the 50th Illinois Infantry was stationed in Missouri and fighting against bushwhackers. On November 2, 1861, Aaron Wheeler wrote home to assure his wife that the rumors she’d heard about his regiment were false and that they were all well.

“I suppose you have heard some bad news about our regiment but it is all false. We have not had any battle yet. Last Sunday there was about 250 of us went out on a scout about 25 miles. There was 33 out of my company went. I was along with them to a town called Jamestown. It was once quite a little town but now there is but four families in it & they are Union. We see no chance for fight. The rebels are scattered. We don’t find more than 2 or 3 together. They are what they call here bushwhackers. We got back here last Tuesday. We brought 8 of the rebels with us and the rest that was taken took the oath that was sealed with blue pills. How many there was, I don’t know, but probably there was 30 or 40. We had a cavalry company that joined us. When we got there they sealed those oaths.”

The “blue pills” that Aaron Wheeler refers to in the passage above are bullets. As guerrilla fighters out of uniform, bushwhackers were not subject to the laws regarding prisoners of war.

The 50th Illinois Infantry in St. Joseph Missouri

Photo of soldiers of the 9th Missouri State Militia Cavalry drilling in the streets of St. Joseph, Missouri, probably taken in 1863 or 1864.
Photo of soldiers of the 9th Missouri State Militia Cavalry drilling in the streets of St. Joseph, Missouri, probably taken in 1863 or 1864 via Daviess County Historical Society.

For winter quarters, the 50th Illinois Infantry was fortunate enough to be staying in St. Joseph, Missouri. Aaron Wheeler wrote about his accommodations in a letter dated December 1, 1861.

“We have a good place here. We are in a hall. It is large enough to accommodate two companies. I have a small room to cook in at the end of the hall. The building that we are in is three stories high. The upper story is the Old Fellows Hall. My health is good. It never was better and I hope these few lines will find you all the same. I am well fixed now. I have a stove to cook by now. It keeps my room warm & nice this is much better than camping out in tents. I don’t think we shall have to camp out any more this winter.”

In a letter written to his parents a week later, Aaron offered more details of his quarters and the city of St. Joseph.

“We have got good comfortable quarters. We are in a very large, 3-story building. It is built with brick. The most of the buildings are brick. This is a very nice place. The streets are paved with stone and the sidewalks are laid with brick and it is quite a city—much larger than I expected to find so far west as this.”

The Execution of Alexander J. Johnson 1st Alabama (Union) Cavalry

July, 1863, saw Aaron Wheeler and the 50th Illinois Infantry in Corinth, Mississippi. While there he witnessed the execution of Alexander J. Johnson, a man that had first served in the Confederate army, then served in the Union 1st Alabama Cavalry before deserting and getting caught trying to burn a bridge. Johnson was sentenced to death at a court martial and Aaron Wheeler described the execution in detail to his wife in a letter written July 26, 1863.

“Thursday I witnessed that that I never did before. Our cavalry last Sunday captured a man that last spring came from the Rebel army and enlisted in our cavalry and stayed a while and [then] deserted while on picket with his horse and equipments. He was caught burning a bridge between here and Memphis. He was brought here and had his trial and was sentenced to be shot. I went to see it done and all the troops were marched out to see it. He was taken out of the guard house to a wagon that had his coffin in and he and a minister got into the wagon and sit on his coffin and there was a brass band and twelve men that were to shoot him went in front of the wagon and twelve armed men followed behind. They took him out about a mile from town where all the troops were in line.

They took him out of the wagon and marched him in front of the troops the whole length of the line with the same escorts that took him out there in addition of four men to carry his coffin in front of him—then to the place he was shot. He was set on the foot of his coffin facing the men that were to shoot him. They were ten steps from him. A bandage was put over his eyes. The first six were ordered to aim and fire at him. The other six were kept so if the first six did not kill him, the others would. But he did not know what hit him after the first six. They all fired at once. The other six did not fire. There were five ball holes through him—four through his head and one through his breast. It was a hard looking sight. He leaves a wife and children. His home was in Alabama.

There was an artist there to take a picture of him as he lay before he was touched. I intend to have a picture of that scene and send it to you as I was an eye witness. It seems heartless to shoot a man in cold blood but I think it right enough to shoot all such men. There is lots of them that deserve it as bad as he did I have no doubt—if they could be ketched.”

Aaron Wheeler Builds Pontoons

Pontoon bridges across James River at Deep Bottom and Varina, Virginia.
Pontoon bridges across James River at Deep Bottom and Varina, Virginia.

Perhaps partly owing to his experience as a carpenter, Aaron Wheeler, along with seven other men from his regiment were put on a detail to report to the Engineer Corps of their division. He described his new duties in the same letter written on July 26, 1863.

“The reason that I did not answer the other one before now [was that] I got [placed on] a detail a week ago yesterday to report the Division Engineer Corps. They have detailed eight men out of each regiment in the division to build bridges or warehouses or anything that is needed for the use of the army. Our quarters are by the side of the railroad but little ways from the depot.

I think I shall like this better. We don’t have to work hard and only about half of the time and we don’t have to go into a fight as long as there is anybody else to do it. We are now at work on our barracks. I came here last Monday and [on] Tuesday was put on duty. Twelve of us were sent out about three miles to guard teams and negroes while they hauled in rails to burn brick with. Well, we had a good time. We got all the apples we wanted and blackberries, &c. Wednesday I worked on our barracks.”

In December, 1863, Aaron Wheeler appeared to still be on detached service, now building pontoon bridges in Columbia, Tennessee.

“There is 10 of the Corps boys that has been with me all of the time. We are at work building a pontoon bridge across the river. We are a building 12 boats and we fasten them in the water and then put timbers across them and then put plank on. That makes the bridge. I think we shall get it done next Tuesday and where we shall go then, I don’t know. We may stay here and we may go to the Corps and we may go somewhere else to building bridges. We don’t know one week where we shall be the next.”

Aaron Wheeler mustered out of the 50th Illinois Infantry at the expiration of his term on September 27, 1864. He died in 1899.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Aaron Wheeler’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Farner Shaw of the 4th Minnesota Infantry and William Clemmons of the 7th Tennessee Infantry.

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 34: Farner Shaw 4th Minnesota Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Farner Shaw was born in Dane County, Wisconsin, in 1844 to Henry W. Shaw and Susan J. (Sunderman) Shaw. The family moved to Freeman, Minnesota sometime before 1860. He enlisted as a private in Company F, 4th Minnesota Infantry in February, 1862. He was later promoted to corporal.

The twelve letters in our Research Arsenal collection were written by Farner Shaw to various cousins in the Waldruff family. All of them were the children of Jacob Waldruff and Eliza (Sunderman) Waldruff.

Farner Shaw vs the Copperheads

On September 1, 1862, Farner Shaw wrote the first letter in our collection to William H. Waldruff. Despite having enlisted in February, this letter appears to be the first he sent to his cousin, William.

“Dear cousin, I am now in the service of our country which is a holy and a just cause but I can tell you that it is hard to be a soldier — hard living. But thank God it can’t last long and when it is done, we will see each other once more if we live to see that day and I hope that we will.”

While Farner Shaw’s patriot fervor is evident in this first letter, in a letter written April 11, 1863, his ire had turned to the Copperheads in the north who he believed were at fault for prolonging the war.

“I tell you, I would like to have this war ended and get home but I don’t think that it will as long as there is so many copperheads as you know and peace cryers in the North as there is now. The South would have given up long ago if it hadn’t of been that they saw the North a crying for peace and that the North was a dividing and they never will give up as long as there is such business a going on in the North as there is now.

I hope that every devilish copperhead will get drafted. There is nothing but the poor class that is a fighting this war and the rich ones is at home a filling their pockets of what the poor men send home to their family and give them nothing for it. And they will sit in their stores or taverns and smoke their cigars and say, ‘Let them poor devils fight it out.’ Them is the men I would like to see come into the ranks and shoulder their muskets and live on hard bread for one or two years.”

The 4th Minnesota Infantry and the Vicksburg Campaign

Street view of Vicksburg, Mississippi.
Street view of Vicksburg, Mississippi.

The 4th Minnesota Infantry participated in the expedition to Yazoo Pass as well as the fighting at Fort Pemberton. It was then involved in the Siege of Vicksburg. Throughout this time, the 4th Minnesota Infantry saw its strength much reduced. On June 12, 1863, Farner Shaw wrote to his cousin, Mary Jane Waldruff.

“We are laying in the hollows close to Vicksburg.

And now I will tell you how our regiment has changed since we came south. When we first come south, we had nine hundred and 62 men, and now we have got 2 hundred and 54 men left and I don’t think that there has been over a hundred and fifty that has had their discharge. I tell you that any man that gets out of this war safe and sound is a lucky fellow.”

The Union Army’s success at Vicksburg enhanced the 4th Minnesota Infantry’s reputation. While in Alabama in December, 1863, Farner Shaw wrote  about Confederate soldiers being afraid to face “Vicksburg Veterans.”

“We have been a marching for the last two month. We marched from Corinth to Chattanooga and there we got in another little fight. We had hard work to get at them but when we did, we made them get up and skedaddle. They said that when they found that we was the Vicksburg Veterans, that they wouldn’t stand and get killed and taken prisoners. And after we had drove them out, we followed them 15 miles and then went back and we had so many prisoners that we had to go without anything to eat. We stayed there 4 days and then we started to come here and all I had for breakfast was a little corn meal. And we marched 23 miles and then had nothing to eat and then we got a little in the morning and started and got here. And I tell you, if there ever was a hungry division, it was this one—hungry and worn out. And we think we will have to go to Memphis and go in our old army corps and then go down to Mobile.”

Starvation in the South

After reenlisting as a veteran, Farner Shaw continued his service in the 4th Minnesota Infantry. The 4th Minnesota Infantry moved down to Allatoona, Georgia in the summer of 1864 and spent several months on garrison duty. While there, Farner Shaw observed the difficulties the people of the south had in obtaining food and other necessities. He wrote to his cousin, Jemima Waldruff, about it in a letter dated July 29, 1864.

“We have very dry weather here now and very warm and we are in one of the worst places that we ever was camped in. We can’t see anything but mountains and I tell you, it is lonesome here and if it wasn’t for the ladies, I don’t know what I would do. There is about 300 comes in here every day a peddling blackberries and milk and butter and apples. I tell you, they are hard up. Some of them come as far as ten miles. They want to trade for something to eat. I tell you that we have great times with them. Milk is 1 dollar a gallon and butter 50 cents per pound and we sell our rations according and if this war don’t stop, there is a going to be a great many of them that will starve.”

By March, 1865, the situation was still dire, with little food for soldiers and civilians both. Farner Shaw wrote to Jemima again saying,

“I can tell you that we have had a hard time this winter coming through the little confederacy. We couldn’t get no mail nor nothing to eat — only what we got out of the country. I tell you that there is lots of poor women and children that will starve to death. Some of the soldiers got so hard-hearted that they took the last thing away from the women. I tell you, it is hard to see some of them with little children and not a mouthful of anything to eat and nowhere to get any. What is such people a going to do? And there is lots of such South yet for the soldiers had a grudge against South Carolina and they took revenge well.

What do you think about the war? I will tell you what I think. I think that the war will be at an end inside of four months. The fearful noise of the western arms—the heroes that has cleaned the rebels out of the West—and we have marched 8 hundred miles and are ready to march eight hundred more.”

Farner Shaw has a Close Call

Farner Shaw and the 4th Minnesota Infantry were part of the Grand Review of the Army in May, 1865.
Farner Shaw and the 4th Minnesota Infantry were part of the Grand Review of the Army in May, 1865.

While Lee’s surrender on April 9, 1865, is generally considered the end of the Civil War, sporadic fighting continued for several months more. On April 15, 1865, Farmer Shaw had a very close call when he ran into a pocket of Confederate forces under command of General Wheeler. He recounted the incident in a letter written on April 28.

“You said you didn’t know whether that letter would reach me or not. I tell you, dear cousin, it came very near not to reach me. I have tried a prisoner’s life. I will tell you a little about it. On the 15th day of this month, I and 2 more good men went out in the country to get some horses for our company and we got most too bold and went out too far. And as we was in a little town and one of my noble comrades was fixing his saddle, there was 18 of General Wheeler’s Cavalry came around the other corner and we did not see them until they got right up to us and they commenced shooting at us and one of my partners run and he got away and they shot the other fellow in the leg and I started to get away and 8 of the cowardly dogs took after me a firing as hard as they could. But as good luck and the will of God, they did not hit me, and if you ever saw a horserace, that beat them all. I was bound to get away or die. They run me one mile and a half and then my luck turned. They shot my horse 3 times and he commenced to reel and they—8 men—come all around me and told me to surrender or they would kill me. And then they went at me and took everything away from me and took me along with them and kept me one day and one night and then paroled me. Although I shan’t stop doing my duty, I won’t.”

Farner Shaw mustered out in July, 1865 and returned home. He married Juliet Flemming in 1868 and the couple had 5 children. He and his family later moved to Iowa where Farner worked as a farmer. He died in 1923.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Farner Shaw’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections, like William Clemmons of the 7th Tennessee Infantry  and Henry Markham of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 33: William Clemmons 7th Tennessee Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Clemmons was born in 1843 to Edwin and Patience (Harris) Clemmons of Lebanon, Tennessee. He enlisted on May 20, 1861 in “The Blues,” company K of the 7th Tennessee Infantry. The 7th Tennessee Infantry was part of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia.

The nine letters in our Research Arsenal collection were all written to Sarah Jane Bettes, William Clemmons’ sweetheart back home. She was the daughter of Ausburn Bettes and Martha Ann (Wilkerson) Bettes.

William Clemmons at Richland Station, Tennessee

William Clemmons 7th Tennessee Infantry Company K.
William Clemmons 7th Tennessee Infantry Company K.

William Clemmons’ earliest letters in our collection were written from Richland Station, Tennessee shortly after the regiment was formed. In his first letter to Sarah Jane Bettes, William Clemmons described the size of the camp and his hope that Sarah Jane would send him a photograph of herself.

“Sarah Jane, I wish I could see you now. I could tell you a great deal. There are about five thousand soldiers here. It is not known how long we will stay here—some time perhaps. If we don’t move soon, I think I will get a furlough and come over home in about ten days. I do not know whether I can or not though. If I do come home, I must have your picture. You must have it taken. I promised to give you my picture but the galleries were crowded so that morning, I could not get it taken. I will try and get it taken if I go over home and exchange with you.”

On June 15, 1861, William Clemmons wrote again to Sarah Jane about some recent excitement in the camp.

“This week we have had some excitement in the camp. It was the news day before yesterday that we must be ready at an hours warning to leave here. So we were calculating that we would have to go some distance, not knowing where. But in the evening, a special message came from Nashville changing the order of the moving, so we had more quiet for a while. But about eleven o’clock at night, a gun was fired by a sentinel which created a powerful alarm. The whole camp was in an uproar. I never saw such a time for an hour. Some hollering for guns, some going one way and some another—no one knowing what was the matter. It all turned out to be nothing at last.”

The 7th Tennessee Infantry Fights the Yankees

On August 4, 1861, the 7th Tennessee Infantry was at Huntersville, Virginia, and anticipated a fight with the Union Army at any moment. William Clemmons wrote  to Sarah Jane about the large number of troops in the area and his belief that the Tennessee soldiers were much better than those from other states.

“I am enjoying the best of health and in good spirits. We are now close to our enemies. They are thick as pigeons in about 20 miles of here. In two more days, we will be among them. It is supposed that there is about 30,000 Yankees there. There won’t be many there by the time we get among them and jolt them a time or two. They have whipped the Virginians a time or two, but we are the boys they can’t whip so easy. Virginians can’t fight like Tennesseans, Mississippians, Alabamians &c. We are going to whip them out up there and go to Alexandria and drive them out of there and from there on to Washington City and whip them there, and then we will go home. You may look for me this fall for by that time all things will be settled.”

In another letter  written on August 20, William Clemmons told Sarah Jane of his eagerness to finally face the Union army in battle.

“We have just received orders to leave here at a moment’s calling. We are going from here to Huttonville and there I expect we have a brush with the Yankees for I am told there is a good number of them there, or round about there. I am “sitting back” ready for one or two of their scalps. I will try real hard to snatch some of them from time into eternity before they get me.”

William Clemmons also wrote of some of the hardships he’d already faced as soldier and the difficulties of life in the field.

“A soldier’s life is a hard life. I have read of wars and the hardships pertaining to them but now I experience the reality, none but a soldier can tell how hard a life it is. Just imagine you see us climbing mountains, wading rivers and creeks, sometimes traveling under a broiling sun, sometimes facing the hardest thunderstorms and at night laying on the damp ground but with one thin blanket to cover with. I say imagine you see us in this fix and you will have a slight idea how we soldiers have to live. But this war will not last always. I look forward for better to come. I often sing that good old song, “There is a better day a coming.” I don’t mind the hardships much for I know I am in a good cause for I believe our cause is the cause of God. We are only ministers of his justice.”

William Clemmons Gets the Mumps

Battle wasn’t the only danger soldiers faced in the Civil War. Sickness and disease were also rampant and William Clemmons soon fell victim. On September 8, 1861, he wrote to Sarah Jane to update her about his regiment as well as his own condition.

“I am not exactly well at this time. I have got the mumps. I think though I will be well in a few days. Our Regiment was ordered out on picket last Tuesday about 12 miles from here. I went but took the mumps and had to come back to the camp the next morning. We went [with]in one half of a mile of the Yankees. They were on one mountain and we on another in plain view of each other. They appeared to be very impudent and it seemed by their actions that they wanted us to attack them. Our regiment was sent there to relieve a North Carolina regiment. Our regiment stayed there until Friday when they were relieved by the 14th Regiment of Tennessee. There is a standing guard kept there all the time. We will attack the enemy in a few days—(i. e.) it is thought so by the officers. Our regiment has moved 4 miles further. On being sick, I have not moved yet. I guess I will go in the morning.”

By late October, 1861, William Clemmons had recovered and wrote to Sarah Jane. He detailed the difficult passage over Cheat Mountain and the battle that occurred there. While some of his regiment got into a skirmish there, he was not personally involved in any of the fighting.

“We have had some hard marches since then, I can assure you. The first was our march to Cheat Pass where we were in the midst of Yankees. I cannot describe the road we had to travel; in fact, a great portion of the way, we had no roads at all. We traveled over mountains the steepest I nearly ever saw. Perhaps some places where no human being ever went before. We were on that trip about six days. Cooked up provisions before we started for four days so we where without anything to eat for two days with the exception of what little we cooked. Had no fire. Rained most of the time and pretty cold too. We had no fight at least. Our regiment—some of the pickets—got into a skirmish and one of our regiment got killed belonging to [Capt. James] Baber’s company [C]. Col. Maney’s [1st Tennessee] regiment was fired at by the Yankees. Some two or three of his men were killed and about the same number wounded. Col. Maney’s men returned the fire. It is not known how many of the enemy were killed.

We took some seventy odd prisoners in all of that. I can assure you, the balls from the enemy guns whistled over our heads while the firing was going on. We could not see them though some of us would be gathering blackberries at the same time and all seemed keen to get into a fight. You have heard no doubt several times that we had been into a fight. Well, we were not into the fight but did come very near being in one.”

Christmas at Fredericksburg

Illustration of the Battle of Fredericksburg by Alfred R. Waud.
Illustration of the Battle of Fredericksburg by Alfred R. Waud via Wikimedia Commons.

William Clemmons final letter  in our Research Arsenal Collection was written over a year later, on December 31, 1862. In contrast to his early letters full of excitement and optimism, his tone in this letter was very somber, colored by his recent experience in battle.

“We have had a very hard fight near Fredericksburg the 13th of December and I reckon you have heard of it before now. James Tate got killed. I shot 44 rounds at them. I am confident that I killed some of them.

As for the army, I can’t say anything about the movements of it. All things are still and quiet. We are not looking for another fight soon. It is now Christmas so the boys call it but all things looks so gloomy that I cannot enjoy. I had one dram Christmas morning. That was the first I have had since I left home. Christmas has played out until this war stops and when we get home, times will be like they was in old days.”

On April 2, 1865, William Clemmons was captured at Petersburg and imprisoned at Lookout Point, Maryland. He was released on June 24, 1865 and returned home. He married Sarah Jane Bettes and together they had a son, William Edwin Clemmons, Jr. William Clemmons’ health never recovered from the strains of the war and he died on April 13, 1867.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these letters.

To read more of William Clemmons’ letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Henry Markham of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry and Charles Miller of the 140th New York Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 32: Henry Markham 2nd Illinois Cavalry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Markham was born in 1840 to Lane Markham and Margaret (Griffin) Markham of Laporte County, Indiana. Both of Henry Markham’s parents died when he was quite young and he was raised by his uncle, Horace Markham (or Marcum). The twenty letters in our Research Arsenal collection were all written by Henry Markham to his cousin, Sarah Markham, who was the daughter of Horace.

On August 6, 1861, Henry Markham enlisted Company H of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry. Several other cousins of Henry’s were also in the regiment. They were Archibald “Archie” Markham and his brother, Daniel Markham, who were the sons of Uriah and Elizabeth (Adams) Markham and Aaron J. Markham who was the son of Charles B. and Barbara (Harsh) Markham.

The 2nd Illinois Cavalry at Union City, Tennessee.

On April 6, 1862, Henry Markham wrote  to his cousin, Sarah, about their recent fighting at Union City, Tennessee. At the present time he was camped at Hickman, Kentucky, and described his current duties by saying, “We have but a small force here merely to keep down the bands of rebels who have hitherto been allowed to roam through the country unmolested.”

He then backtracked in time to talk about the successful battle against Confederate forces in Tennessee.

“Perhaps you have read it in the papers but for fear you have not, I will try and give you some of the particulars. On Sunday last about noon, Colonel [Napoleon] Buford landed here from Island No. 10 with a part of two regiments of infantry and was joined by three companies of cavalry and one battery of artillery consisting of four pieces and then we all started for Union City, Tennessee—a place about 14 miles from here where there was a rebel camp about 2,000 strong. We camped that night within four miles of them and attacked them the next morning [31 March 1862] just as they were at breakfast, taking [them] altogether by surprise. The cavalry was drawn up in front and fired a few shots at them but hardly one man out of ten had a chance to fire. I did not get a shot. The reason is we were not allowed to fire & while we were waiting for the artillery to get in position, they all fled, leaving almost everything behind them—even hot biscuits were on the table & I suppose they thought we were very ill mannered fellows to not allow them to finish their breakfast but we could not well help it. The artillery, however, fired a few shots at the enemy’s retreating cavalry. They killed two or three horses and one man left a piece of his leg with his dead horse. One or two of the pickets were also killed. None of our boys were hurt by the enemy but two of the artillery were badly burned by the gun being discharged too soon. There was one man badly wounded by one of their muskets going off in one of their tents while it was burning. Our boys got a good deal of plunder and much more was burned. Everything that could not be taken away was burned on the spot. Most of the tents was burned without ever looking in them. Some had guns, cartridges, and many other valuable things and it is said that they was going to burn one tent and a fellow hallowed inside and told them not to burn him and they went in and found a man tied in the tent. He was a man who had deserted from them and was to be shot in a few days but luckily for him, he was saved. We took about 90 horses and mules, and 15 wagons, and about 15 or 20 prisoners and a good many deserters came in and took the oath the next day.”

Continued Fighting and Skirmishes

Photo of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry via McLean County Museum of History.
Photo of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry via McLean County Museum of History.

Just two weeks after writing from Kentucky, Henry Markham and the 2nd Illinois Cavalry were at Groves Plantation, Louisiana, about 25 miles below Vicksburg. On April 21, 1862, Henry Markham wrote home about their new camp, as well as recent attack on their pickets.

“We moved here yesterday from about four miles back. We were at work all day yesterday fixing camp. We have got a nice camp now. About a week ago the rebels attacked our Cavalry pickets about a mile from this place. They crossed over the bayou in the night. About 500 men attacked our picket of about 25 men. They result was they wounded 2, captured 4 of our men, and some arms and horses and made good their escape across the bayou before we got to them. You will have doubtless heard before this reaches you of the gunboats & transports running the blockade. There was one of the transports that ran through came up this bayou day before yesterday and landed at our camp. I believe she did not get struck at all.”

In late August, 1862, the 2nd Illinois Cavalry were back in Tennessee, and faced a devastating loss in a skirmish against a much larger Confederate force. This skirmish resulted in the death of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg, who Henry Markham much admired. In a letter written on September 8, 1862, Henry Markham told his sister the details of the fight, though he was not a participant in it.

“We came here a week ago last Saturday and before we had been here one hour, four companies was sent out under Col. [Harvey] Hogg numbering in all about 200 men. But it so happened that our company was not sent out. They went but six miles and had one of the most severe skirmishes of the war. They made a charge which proved to be a fatal one to a number of our boys. Col. Hogg, one Lieutenant, and five or six others were killed. This regiment will miss Col. Hogg very much. He was Lieutenant-Colonel of this regiment and was by far the best officer in the the regiment. He always has had command of the part of the regiment that our company has been with and he was loved by all, I believe, without exception. And I do not think we ever will get another man as well suited to the place as he was. He was a native of this state and it will do them more good to kill him than almost any other man. He came from Bloomington, Illinois, and has no wife living but has two small children. I never shall forget the last time I saw him alive. He was riding through the camp just before starting out giving some command in his usual loud and stern voice and I thought he looked uncommon well. He had on a pair of white pants and a military cap and blue blouse which was an uncommon thing for him to wear. But alas, how the scene was changed in the short space of about 26 hours when his body was brought in riddled by seven balls, his boots, spurs, arms, and all his money was taken and his once white pants looked as though they never was of that color. The flesh of his face around his mouth was all gone and it looked really frightful. And so ended a truly great man a braver man never drew his sword in defense of his country’s right.”

Henry Markham and the Battle of Holly Springs, Mississippi.

Illustration of Holly Springs, Mississippi, where Henry Markham was stationed, from Harper’s Weekly issue dated January 10, 1863 via archive.org
Illustration of Holly Springs, Mississippi from Harper’s Weekly issue dated January 10, 1863 via archive.org

On December 20, 1862, Confederate General Earl Van Dorn led a raid against the Union supply depot at Holly Springs, Mississippi. The raid resulted in the capture of numerous Union forces and the destruction of 1.5 million dollars’ worth of supplies.

The 2nd Illinois Cavalry was at Holly Springs during the raid, and Henry Markham’s letter from January 2, 1863, paints a picture of confusion as well as a daring rescue of his cousin, Daniel Markham.

“I now take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to let you know that I am still alive. You have doubtless heard that we were attacked at Holly Springs on the 20th of last month by the rebels under [General] Van Dorn and [Colonel] Jackson, 6,000 strong. There were about 300 of our cavalry there. There was some infantry there but they did not do any fighting worth naming. Our boys fought them about 2 hours and left the place to the Rebels. They staid there only about 5 hours and the place was occupied by our troops the next morning. There was eight killed in our regiment but one in our company [Jacob Oertel] was mortally wounded. He died just a week after the fight. He was from Macomb. There was eight wounded in our company. Dan [Markham] was shot through the thigh—a flesh wound. I think he will soon get well. He was sent to the hospital at Jackson, Tennessee. Aaron [Markham] had a ball pass through his hat scraping his head clear to the skull but it did him no material damage, He also had his horse wounded so he is not fit for service. Archey [Markham] lost his horse and escaped on foot. They took Daniel prisoner but we charged back into our camp and released him and several others and took about a dozen of them prisoners. Got our overcoats and blankets and left the camp. I saved yours and Charles’ likeness but lost it the next day out of my pocket which I regret very much. The rest of the boys of your acquaintance got through without a scratch but I tell you, the balls whistled a little closer than I like to have them.”

On January 23, 1863, Henry Markham wrote another letter to Sarah mentioning the raid at Holly Springs, Mississippi. The letter was written on a sheet of paper containing Special Field Orders No. 33, 13th Army Corps, Department of the Tennessee dated December 23, 1862, in which General Grant made special mention of the 2nd Illinois Cavalry at Holly Springs. After castigating the general conduct of the forces during the raid, Grant wrote:

“It is gratifying to notice in contrast with this, the conduct of a portion of the Command, conspicuous among whom was the Second Illinois Cavalry, who gallantly and successfully resisted being taken prisoners. Their loss was heavy, but the enemy’s was much greater. Such conduct as their’s will always insure success.”

In his letter, Henry Markham told his sister, “I will not say anything about the fight at Holly Springs for I suppose you have heard all about it before this but I send Grant’s order on this sheet and you can see what he thinks of our regiment.”

Although his cousins reenlisted in the 2nd Illinois Cavalry, Henry Markham did not and mustered out with the rest of the nonveterans on August 11, 1864. He married Margaret Smart in 1868 and died on June 6, 1883.

To read more of Henry Markham’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Charles Miller of the 140th New York Infantry and Cornelius Van Houten of the 1st New Jersey Artillery.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 31: Charles Miller 140th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Miller was born in 1843 to Ransom Randolph Miller and Francis “Fanny” Maria (Warner) Miller of Gates, New York. In August, 1862, he enlisted in Company D of the 140th New York Infantry, giving his age as 20 instead of 19.

In his collection of 34 letters home on the Research Arsenal, Charles Miller recounts his participation in many battles as well as daily camp life. The letters span nearly his entire length of service, from September, 1862 to April, 1865.

Charles Miller and the Battle of Fredericksburg

"The stone-wall" at foot of Marye's Heights held by Cobb's Brigade, C.S.A., Dec. 13, 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg.
“The stone-wall” at foot of Marye’s Heights held by Cobb’s Brigade, C.S.A., Dec. 13, 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg.

After several months guarding Washington, D.C., the 140th New York Infantry saw heavy fighting at the Battle of Fredericksburg, in December, 1862. Charles Miller wrote about his experiences in letter to his parents written on December 22, 1862.

“ As I have little time, I will try and tell you a little of the fight at Fredericksburg.

Thursday the 11th, we left for the march about 4 o’clock in the morning. We traveled nearly 4 miles when we were halted to wait for orders. We had not stopped long before we had to move on so then went on till about one mile from the city where we again stopped at the foot of a hill so that the rebels could not see us. When we got there, our batteries had opened fire upon the city and before long they had it in flames. We lay there nearly two days. At night I went to look at the desolated city as it was in flames. It was a splendid sight to behold.

Saturday morning [13 December] we are still here but it is pretty foggy and the batteries are still. About noon they opened fire from both sides at a horrible rate but our batteries soon silenced their guns as they could not throw their shells over to our batteries. Along in the afternoon, our infantry opened a tremendous fire upon the rebel’s entrenchments. We were then called into line for to cross the river. We left at 4 o’clock and just as we were approaching the pontoon bridge, a shell from one of the rebel batteries burst right in front of our company. It made the boys dodge, I tell you. At last we got across and we marched up one of the streets [and] out on the field of battle with the shells and bullets a flying over our heads.

We were at last ordered to lay down on our arms to be ready at a moment’s warning. We had not been there long when the firing ceased on both sides and we stayed there till next morning when we were ordered back to the city where we stayed two days. The next day I went to look on the field of battle but they did not let us go out of the yard as the rebel sharpshooters would pick our men off as we lay about 200 yards from the field. I could see the dead lying all over the field. I then went into some of the houses and of all the scenes to behold, was in that city. There was not one house in the city, I think, that did not have a cannon ball through it.

At last we were ordered back on the other side of the river in the night. It was raining and it was very muggy. At last we got across and stayed till the next day when we went back to our old camp where we are still. How long we will remain here, I cannot tell.”

Soon after the Battle of Fredericksburg, Charles Miller ran afoul of military law when he was accused of straggling during the Mud March of January, 1863.

The Court Martial of Charles Miller

In a letter written on February 24, 1863, Charles Miller informed his parents that he was still under guard since being apprehended, and told them the course of events that led him to be charged with both straggling and cowardice.

“They still have us under guard in a large tent but we can go anywhere in the regiment but have to have a guard to go with us most of the time. They court-martialed us on the 12th but we have not got our sentences yet but probably will on the next dress parade. They had the charges against us desertion and cowardice but we are not guilty of them charges and so we plead not guilty on them charges but we plead guilty on straggling so we do not know what they will make out of it. But I suppose that you know that they can do as they please or take a notion.

You wanted to know how it happened and all the particulars. I will tell you. On the second march it happened. We left or rather the regiment noon and they had not gone over three or four miles when we stopped in the woods for the night and during the night it commenced raining very hard and continued until nearly night the next day. Early in the morning of the first day the bugle was blown for to fall in and be ready to march at any moment. At last we started on the second day’s march—the mud about one foot deep and besides, in the clay, it would stick to shoes so that it was all that we could do to get along. But we made out to get about three miles and then I had to fall out where we waited for a few moments and then started for a house which we found. We then went into it and stayed nearly two hours. we made some coffee while we was there and after a little while we started off but could not find the direction that the regiment had gone in and so we got lost and that night we lay in the woods and in the morning of the next day we started off again and about noon the cavalry scouts picked us up and took us to their headquarters and kept us two days and then took us to our general’s headquarters where they kept us ten days and then brought us back to our regiment and put us under guard where we are still. I have told you as near as I can about it and I hope that you will not feel bad over it as I could not help it but I hope that it has learned me a lesson that I never will forget.”

The charge of cowardice was dropped, but even in March, the situation was unresolved. Charles Miller wrote another letter home on March 18, 1863 where he revealed, that he had undergone another court martial. “The 13th they gave me another court martial but I think that they cannot make nothing out of it no more than they did before as it did not amount to much.”

Eventually Charles Miller was found guilty of straggling and as punishment was put to work in various locations including Aquia Landing and the Old Capital Prison in Washington, D.C. He seems to have borne the punishment well, and wrote  home to his friends about his current duties on May 10, 1863.

“ We are still at Fort No. 2 at work on the boat for our army to retreat on if they should have to retreat from the place. We are still under the same captain of the First Maryland Battery. He is a very fine officer. I suppose that you have heard of the seven days fighting at Fredericksburg and how the cavalry made some very great dashes in the rebel lines. During the fight there was some of the terrible firing of artillery and siege guns that I ever heard. There was one day that we was awaken about half past three to be ready at five o’clock to go to Brooks Station to put up tents for the wounded soldiers which was done with willing hearts. We waited all day there and coming home to our place at night we could see the flash of the heavy guns on the hills at the city.

Along in the afternoon as we was at work, the train came in with a load of wounded—some of them shot in the hand and legs and with their arms broken and some of them shot through the top of the head.”

Less than a week later, on May 16, 1863, Charles wrote home with good news. He had managed to get his sentence commuted and would return to fight with the 140th New York Infantry.

“I suppose you was a little surprised to hear I had been released. Probably you had rather had me remain where I was for the remainder of my time. As for my part, I could not see it in that light. To be sure, there was no danger of my being shot, but the idea of having a dis[honorable] at the expiration of my term of enlistment was what I dislike and which if I obtained I never would have shown myself within the limits of Monroe County. There is no person that can say I am a coward and am afraid to enter a battle. If there is, I want nothing to with that person in anyway if ever I return to my home. If I was a coward, I never would [have] tried as hard as I did to be returned to my command. I not only wrote to the Colonel but to the War Department and had Mr. Wood, the Superintendent of Military Prisoners, to try and do what he could for me. And I must own that it was partly by his influence that I had my sentence commuted.”

Petersburg, Globe Tavern, and Ream’s Station

A bombproof shelter for the soldiers during the siege of Petersburg, August 10, 1864
A bombproof shelter for the soldiers during the siege of Petersburg, August 10, 1864

After returning to the 140th New York Infantry, Charles Miller fought at numerous engagements, including at Petersburg in June and July, 1864. One June 28, 1864 he wrote a letter  to his parents datelined from the “Line of Battle before Petersburg, Va.”

“The weather is very pleasant today, it being cooler than for some time past. Last night it rained a little—not enough to make it muddy here as the land is very sandy & the surface will not hold water long. The pickets will keep up a continual fire—also the artillery at intervals. Sometimes they have a duel which lasts probably an half hour & then all is quiet. Last night the mortars were throwing shells all night, some of them bursting high in the air, making a beautiful sight to look upon. We expect to be attacked every evening but they have not up to now. The boys are all in good spirits and ready to meet the enemy at any moment. I rather think we can give them a good trial.”

On July 9, 1864 he wrote again about the fighting around Petersburg.

“Yesterday the artillery kept up a continual fire along our part of the line only at intervals when all would be silent. Between the hours of 4 and five last evening the artillery opened with a rapid fire on both sides. Also there was heavy musketry at the right. As far as I can learn, the Rebels tried to stop some of our forces that were detailed to work throwing up a fort which when finished has a good range of the country for some miles around. They did not succeed in capturing the fort for they were driven back in rather double quick time.

Our line of works are impregnable—also that of the enemy’s. We have a palisade nearly the whole line as well as telegraph wire. The artillery continued their fire at intervals today up to now. Our line advances at some points. The other night was to straighten it a little. The night of the 7th they kept up a continual fire all the night through making it impossible to sleep much.”

On August 26, 1864, Charles Miller wrote home from the “Line of Battle near Ream’s Station,” apprising them of the recent fighting the 140th New York Infantry had been in.

“Our Corps broke camp on the morning of the 18th, it being very pleasant, but after a few hours march, we began to feel the heat of the sun & before reaching the railroad a large number were sun struck. I did not feel very well on arriving there as the sun had such an effect on my head. We took position on the road with but little skirmishing in the forenoon. Immediately after arriving there the First Division commenced their work of destruction by tearing the track up and down & afterwards knocking the ties from off the T. rail & piling them up and putting the soil across the ties, set fire to them, when they became hot enough the heat would bend them nearly double. The Second Division & others forming a line of battle to meet any opposition the enemy might make. Everything went along finely until about noon when a large body of the enemy could be distinctly be seen moving toward us & putting a battery into position. They opened up on workmen with solid shot & shell. But a few well directed shots from our battery knocked them out of position. The Second Division forming on the right of the railroad advanced through a piece of woods where they met the enemy, driving them back. But the Rebels, forming another line, advanced on our right & completely flanking our regiment. We had nothing on our right, being some distance in advance here. We was compelled to retreat or lose all in prisoners.

The boys, however, managed to get through the woods & forming another line was ready to meet the Johnnies, but they did not attack us that night. We held the battleground all that night & a part of the next day. Our loss was very light in the 18th.

On the morning of the 19th we commenced to make our works stronger and part of the works being right on the railroad for our company facing Petersburg between 3 & 4 o’clock in the afternoon. The enemy, throwing a strong force on our right, broke our line and completely flanked us, driving us [illegible]… of the other boys when to my great surprise on looking to the right where the [ ] had his quarters during the day. I seen the Rebel’s colors flying & the first thing I knew a Reb came up with fixed bayonet right on the opposite side of the track [illegible] me prisoner a few moments but [illegible] a chance to escape took to my heals as fast as possible [illegible]. I expect to ever have the privilege of writing to you again on that day when the shells were flying over my head as I was retreating. We fell back & formed a strong line & again advanced & drove the enemy back to their lines. Here we again held the battleground. Our loss was very light in killed and wounded but we lost a large number of prisoners by their flanking us. During all this time it was raining quite hard. I lost the regiment in this excitement & could not find them until the next day.

The 20th we was to work throwing up breastworks all day. At night the order came to close them down and fall back part way across an open field where we again established another line of works. On the morning of the 21st it was my turn to go out on the skirmish line. The order was to advance & draw the enemy from their works if possible. After a little brisk skirmishing, the enemy advanced in a strong line of battle driving us into our works. The ball then opened [illegible] on the left of the railroad, the Johnnies thought they had attacked us on the extreme left but to their great surprise found our line extended a great deal farther than they had any idea of.

G. Warren had marked his batteries at this point & when the enemy had advanced to within a few hundred yards of the pieces they opened upon them with canister, spreading destruction in their ranks. They could withstand the terrible fire no longer. Showing signs of surrender, the batteries was ordered to cease firing which was done. Here we captured a large number of prisoners. This ended the conflict for the day, all but the [illegible] which kept up a continual fire all the afternoon.

Yesterday the enemy as far as I can learn attacked Hancock on our left. They charged three times & were badly defeated with heavy loss. Our Corps held itself in readiness for an attack at any point the enemy should attempt to break through.”

Charles Miller continued to serve in the 140th New York Infantry through the end of the war. He mustered out with his company on June 3, 1865. He was twice married. First, to Harriet A. Hart (1851-1922) and second to Salina Mae Hinton (1858-1921.) Charles Miller died in 1912.

To read more of Charles Miller’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these letters.

To read more about some of our many featured collections, check out the articles on Cornelius Van Houten of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery  and Albert Jenkins Barnard of the 116th New York Infantry.

 

 

 

 

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