Author: Gloria Wickman

Research Arsenal Spotlight 46: William Heldman 17th Missouri Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Frederick William Charles Heldman, (who was carried on rosters as Charles Heldman but signed his letters William Heldman) was an immigrant from Germany who served in Company A of the 17th Missouri Infantry. William Heldman was born in 1840 to Anton Karl Heldmann and Bertha (Falkmann) Heldmann. The family came to the United States in the 1840s. In 1851 William Heldman’s father died and his mother later remarried Eberhard Fuhr.

The 17th Missouri Infantry was also called the “Western Turner Rifles” and was made up of Union supporting German immigrants. William Heldman enlisted in the 17th Missouri Infantry in August, 1861. Previous to that he had served in the 3rd Missouri Infantry, a 90 day regiment formed in April, 1861.

William Heldman and the 3rd Missouri Infantry

Illustration from Harper’s Weekly of the Battle of Carthage.
Illustration from Harper’s Weekly of the Battle of Carthage via Wikimedia Commons.

The 17th Missouri Infantry was formed largely from officers and men that served in the First through Fourth Missouri Infantry regiments. William Heldman’s letters home begin during his time in the 3rd Missouri Infantry. In a letter written on August 13, 1861, William Heldman talked about his experience at the Battle of Carthage fought on July 5, 1861, and most of his company being taken prisoner.

“Sigel found Jackson on a large prairie where he found him with about 5,000 men but they were not very good armed. Sigel attacked one or two o’clock in the evening. We heard the cannons at Neosho and at three o’clock there came a man from Sigel and brought the orders for us to go back and we were all ready to go [when] there came about 1,500 secessionists from Arkansas and Texas commanded by General McCulloch.

We were all in the Court House where we had our place to stay. As soon as we seen them come, we knocked [out] all the windows and shut the doors, [and] got ready to shoot through the windows. The secessionists stopped and two men came up to the fence with a white handkerchief and asked our Captain to surrender and our Captain came in to us and told us. We told him we would sooner die. Our Captain told us we could not fight against so many and our Captain asked them if they would treat us just [if] we would surrender to them and they promised by their honor and so we give up. They kept us three days and then we had 85 miles to go without anything to eat.  We got back to St. Louis and we have been here a good while waiting for our money and our discharge but I think we will soon get it.”

Soon after his return to St. Louis, William Heldman, along with many men of his regiment, joined the 17th Missouri Infantry.

Fighting in Missouri and Arkansas

The 17th Missouri Infantry fought throughout Missouri and Arkansas in fall of 1861 through summer 1862. On October 5, 1861, William wrote  about some recent skirmishing near Sedalia, Missouri.

“We have left St. Louis and we are in a little town called Sedalia. We have to wait for a battle every day. Yesterday our pickets had a fight. We lost one man. How many the enemy lost, we do not know but we are not afraid now for we have a good many soldiers up here now. The enemy entirely surrendered. The only got one way about 40 miles to get out. We took three prisoners last night and they had hardly any clothes on and they said that the whole army was the same way.”

On March 1, 1862, William was writing  from Osage, Arkansas when he detailed the 17th Missouri Infantry’s pursuit of the Confederate forces under the command of General Sterling Price.

“At two o’clock we started in pursuit of Price. We had a hard time then. We had to march very hard. We marched ten miles without stopping and without cooking, but we could not catch Price. General [Jefferson C.] Davis took another road and got to chase Price’s rear guard and he fired two cannon shells at the men and killed 7 men and wounded many and they galloped away.

The next day we marched too Cassville. About 10 miles behind Cassville, our cavalry had a fight. They took 60 prisoners and killed a good many. Our cavalry was always close behind Price and our flying batteries troubled him a great deal. We has 12 from our cavalry called flying batteries. We marched from Cassville and marched to the Arkansas line. Near the line is very high mountains and the valley is so small—just wide enough for the road.

The next day we had a fight at [Little] Sugar Creek and that was the last was seen of him. We lost 15 men killed and 5 wounded.”

The fighting in Arkansas was quite gruesome, and William Heldman detailed the horrific treatment of a captured Union soldier by guerillas in a letter dated July 18, 1862.

“You have not heard of us for a long time for we have been traveling around in the wilderness of Arkansas. We had to fight with miserable robber [guerrilla] bands most every day. General Steele’s troops had a fight with them. They killed 130 of them. How many they wounded I do not know for they took them all along. Our men lost 17 killed and 42 wounded. The secesh took one of our men prisoner and they took him and tied his arms behind him around a tree and then they cut his arms off in the shoulder and give him 7 shots in the lower part of his body. Who would save the life of any such a miserable being?”

The 17th Missouri Infantry at Vicksburg

Confederate fortifications at the rear of Vicksburg, Mississippi.
Confederate fortifications at the rear of Vicksburg, Mississippi.

William Heldmen’s brother, Theodore, enlisted in the 17th Missouri Infantry in the fall of 1862. Unfortunately, he was soon taken ill and discharged for disability. In January, 1863, the 17th Missouri Infantry began fighting around Vicksburg. On January 15, 1863, William Heldman wrote to his brother about the recent battles.

“We have had two battles since we left Camp Steele. The first near Vicksburg and the second one at Arkansas Post. We took about 600 prisoners on that place and a good many cannons. Our regiment was in the hottest fire all day. I used 80 cartridges in about two hours but we did not lose many men. Our company did not lose any this last time though we were in a hotter fire than at Vicksburg. Our regiment lost 3 killed and about 10 wounded.

The bombardment at that place [Arkansas Post] was awful. The whole fort was tore to pieces. The men on it were nearly all dead or wounded. There were 125 artillery men in it and only 20 were left when they surrendered.

At Vicksburg we had to go back without gaining anything. Our company lost five men there—one killed and four wounded. Two of our recruits were wounded. You do not know them but the others you know. [Julius] Zinzer is dead and [Fred] Klingel and [William] Rascher are wounded. This place [Vicksburg] is very hard to take. We are just now going down to try again.”

Taking Vicksburg did indeed prove to be long and difficult task. On March 6, 1863, William Heldman wrote about information he had received from German deserters from Confederate forces.

“There are deserters coming from Vicksburg most every day. They are all Germans. I have talked to one for a long time. He told me that they had to suffer a great deal of hunger. They get only three-quarters of a pound of bacon a week, half a pound of cornbread a day. They don’t know how coffee looks any more. Sugar they have plenty of it and molasses too. Salt is very scarce. They cannot get anything across the river anymore now.”

Another letter from June 20, 1863 details the ongoing Siege of Vicksburg and the increasingly difficult position of the Confederate forces.

“We are still in our old place near the river above the city on the right wing. I believe they will soon surrender now. Deserters come over most every night. They all belong to Tennessee regiments. They say they get something to eat once a day. We have got them penned up this time. They can never get out of that place if we won’t let them. Let them attack us in the rear. They will burn their nose if they do. We have got men enough to keep them off. The country is so hilly and rough so that fifty thousand men can keep of a hundred thousand rebels.

It would have been very hard for us to get to where we are if they would have had any of their field artillery left [that] they had out at Black River. They brought 60 cannons from Vicksburg out there. After the battle of Black River Bridge, they had 3 left. The rest we took away from them. They were all scattered and everyone ran for his life to Vicksburg and here we now are.

When we first came here, we had to fight pretty hard. Now we have not much to do. The first day me and [Theodore] Wiegreffe kept a heavy battery from shooting half a day. We crawled up to it in about a hundred yards ad did not let them load their cannons. But the rest of our company would not come there—not a single one of them. The whole company likes us very much for that. The second day I went to the same place and fired about 200 shots. The next night they moved the battery away from that place. Our cannons are all at work today but they do not answer a single shot on this side. The ground is trembling under our feet so hard is the cannonading. Right now one of their large forts is on fire inside right before us on the hill. The powder magazine blowed up just now. Our cannons throw in about 500 shells an hour all around the line.”

On July 4, 1863, the Union army finally took control of Vicksburg. William Heldman survived the war and married Anna Therese Mathilde Summa in 1874. He died in 1912.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of William Heldman’s 41 letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Halsey Bartlett of the 6th Connecticut Infantry and Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry.

 

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 46: Halsey Bartlett 6th Connecticut Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Halsey Bartlett was born in 1831 to Richard Bartlett and Christina S. (Fisher) Bartlett of Killingly, Connecticut. He enlisted in Company A, 6th Connecticut Infantry on September 3, 1861. Most of his letters were written to his mother and to his sister, Christina Bartlett.

Halsey Bartlett at Hilton Head, South Carolina

Photo of Fort Wallace, Hilton Head taken after the Battle of Port Royal in November, 1861.
Photo of Fort Wallace, Hilton Head taken after the Battle of Port Royal in November, 1861. Halsey Bartlett mentions the battle briefly in one of his letters.

On January 6, 1862, Halsey Bartlett wrote to his mother from Hilton Head, South Carolina. In it he described the recent Battle of Port Royal.

“There was a smart battle on the opposite shore on the other side of this island. Our troops gained the victory by taking the fort at the head of Hilton Head Bay and 10 field pieces of artillery (brass) and 3 Columbiads with a loss of 17 men on our side and (80) eighty on the other side. Our regiment was not in the battle. After which our troops followed them up to Bluffton and they had another fight which was in our favor. Our troops followed them to a creek where they could not get away and they had to surrender. They raised the flag of truce and we took seven hundred prisoners with a great loss of lives on both sides. Our loss was small compared to the other side. We expected to go to the fight with them. Our regiment was called into line of battle on New Years Day. The orders were to be in readiness to march at any moment, but we did not go for the order was countermanded and we returned to our quarters. Our boys are anxious to go into battle.”

The 6th Connecticut Infantry remained in South Carolina for quite some time. In August, 1862, the regiment saw its beloved Lieutenant Colonel William G. Ely leave to accept the position of colonel in the 14th Connecticut Infantry. In a letter written on August 4, 1862, Halsey Bartlett described the gift made to the departing colonel from the regiment.

“Lieutenant Colonel Ely of our regiment has been promoted to Colonel of the Fourteenth Connecticut Regiment. He went from here to take his command yesterday. Col. Ely was a nice man. He was a gentleman in every respect. Our regiment — or most of them — miss him. as a soldier he is fitted for the post which has been assigned to him. Major [John] Speidel is to take his place. He too is a gentleman in every respect. Don’t know who will be major of this regiment but think Captain Tracy of Company G will take his place. He is a good man and fully competent for the post. Our company in respect and for the love we had for Col. Ely subscribed seventy dollars towards getting a sword on which will be engraved, ‘Presented by the Soldiers of Windham County in Company A, 6th Reg. Conn. Vol. to Col. Wm. G. Ely for the respect they showed him as a Soldier and a Gentleman. Arnold Leach, Captain Commanding.’ I gave one dollar towards the sword.”

6th Connecticut Infantry in Beaufort

The 6th Connecticut Infantry remained at Beaufort, South Carolina for several months, making it their winter quarters. On November 20, 1862, Halsey Bartlett wrote home with an account of a man in Company C being drummed out of the regiment for cowardice.

“There is one of the soldiers belonging to Co. C to be drummed out of this regiment tomorrow for cowardice in the late [Second] Battle at Pocotaligo. He, when [near where] the battle was, heard the first gun from the Secesh and it scared him so he run and left the ranks. He said he was not going to have his brains blowed out. He was taken and court martialed and sentenced to have head head shaved and drummed out of the regiment. Oh what a disgrace to him. But he will get home. I would not disgrace myself so for all the world.”

There continued to be small skirmishes, as Halsey Bartlett recounted in a letter dated December 1, 1862.

“A party of Rebels tried to land at the Capen Plantation where we go on guard but were relieved the trouble by the firing of muskets — a whole company firing on them (two boatloads of the Rebels some thirty in number) and killing quite a number. They skedaddled and went back as fast as they could. This is the third time they have tried to land but Yankee too much for them.”

Halsey Bartlett wrote about another expedition on January 17, 1863.

“There was an expedition started from here made up of a small force from the several regiments here and Hilton Head. They went down on the coast of Florida to capture a lot of lumber from the Rebels but when going up Nassau River, they were fired at by the Rebels. Our men fired back and by their tell, some of them were killed or wounded. Our men went ashore and found that the Rebels had burned the lumber and they had to go farther down on St. John’s River and get a lot of lumber that was there. They got their lumber and came home. Was gone ten days. Went some ninety miles. Two of the Third Rhode Island boys got killed but none out of our regiments either killed or wounded. I did not go but 20 — twenty — out of our company went.”

The 6th Connecticut Infantry at Fort Wagner

Illustration by Frank Vizetelly of the assault on Fort Wagner.
Illustration by Frank Vizetelly of the assault on Fort Wagner via New York Public Library Digital Collections.

The 6th Connecticut Infantry fought at the Second Battle of Fort Wagner on July 18, 1863. Though the Union was unsuccessful at taking the fort, the role of the 54th Massachusetts Infantry in the fight inspired countless African-American soldiers to enlist. Fort Wagner was ultimately abandoned by Confederate forces in September, 1863.

On August 1, 1863, Halsey Bartlett wrote home about the 6th Connecticut Infantry’s role in the battle.

“But a few days ago I wrote you a small detail of what we were doing on Morris Island and now I will tell you farther of the doings. We left (our regiment) Morris Island night before last and was I not rejoiced to get away. I rather think I was — not that there was anything cowardly on my part but I got sick of hearing so much noise. It was nothing but boom — boom, night and day on both sides and men to the average of four or five per day from some regiment brought down from the deadly missiles of the enemy.

The night of 29 July our regiment had orders to report to Hilton Head immediately and in the night we moved our tents and baggage to the dock at Morris Island and soon it was aboard the General Hunter and all hands aboard, we were ready to proceed on our way to Hilton Head. And here I am. I tell you, it seems more like home to me now. But God has been good in preserving my life until now. Now I am out of danger for awhile. On Morris Island, if I lie down at night to sleep, I knew not whether I should wake up in the morning safe or not for they shelled our camps as much as they could, and to be there was perfect misery. The night we came away, I saw a young soldier belonging to the Eighty-fifth Pennsylvania that was struck by a shell. He had one arm taken off just below the shoulder; the other taken off just below the elbow. Poor man — no hands at all.

The next day after the Battle of the 10th, I took a look on the battlefield, I see some twenty lie dead on the field where the Seventh drove them from their rifle pits while on Morris Island. Our regiment had to go up on picket within fifty yards of the Rebel Battery Wagner. This is the battery I told you about making a charge on July 16. I told you of the casualties in our company. Hugh McShene I spoke of being wounded is dead. The rest is doing well. Hill and Palmer are in Richmond [as] prisoners. Nothing have been heard of Sergeant [Delbert] Hoar and Private [Maxim H.] Sherbeone, both [of] Danielsonville — supposed to be killed.”

Unfortunately, Halsey Bartlett did not survive the war. He was killed at Bermuda Hundred by a sniper on June 17, 1864.

To read more of Hasley Bartlett’s letters, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry and Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 45: Herbert Daniels 7th Rhode Island Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Herbert Daniels was born in 1836 to David Daniels and Nancy (Ballou) Daniels. The letters in this collection begin in 1862 while Herbert Daniels was helping his brother, Percy Daniels, recruit for the 7th Rhode Island Infantry. Herbert enlisted as a private in Company C of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry while Percy was commissioned as captain of Company E. Sometime during the war, Herbert Daniels transferred to Company B.

The letters in this collection were written to Mrs. Salina (Brewster) Waterson, with whom Herbert enjoyed an ongoing romantic relationship.

Recruiting for the 7th Rhode Island Infantry at Camp Bliss

Photo of Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry.
Photo of Herbert Daniels of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry via Spared & Shared.

Herbert Daniels wrote to Salina on July 1, 1862 and detailed  how he helped approximately eight young recruits get register and come to Camp Bliss, near Providence, Rhode Island.

“Percy came from Woonsocket about the time I got to the office & the first thing we had to do was to find those young soldiers. I found them at last on the wharf at Fox Point about a mile from the office. Then we had to get them examined & sworn & we couldn’t find an officer. For a long time, we tramped around — well, I tell you, Percy & I with 8 soldier boys at our heels for he brought another with him. At last we got it all done just in time for Percy to take the cars but not until after they had started. After he left the office I thought of something I wanted to ask him so I ran after him & saw him get into the last car while it was going. I followed & got into the rear end of the last car just as he went into the next car. I followed him so through the whole train before I caught him. By that time we had got more than a quarter of a mile from the depot but they were not going so fast but that I could jump off & run back.

Then there were more papers to write & sign & questions to be asked & answered & explanations to be made to them about their pay &c. & then a requisition or order to be got for their clothing &c. which had to be copied to the Adjutant General’s office & then to the Quartermaster General’s office &c, & finally to the Clothing Department where they were completely fitted out with everything that a soldier needs (in the way of clothing) including knapsacks, blankets, overcoats, underclothes, & everything. I didn’t get them dressed & their knapsacks packed & strapped upon their backs until nearly 7 o’clock — just in time to take the 7 o’clock omnibus which carried within a half mile of the camp & then we had to march the rest of the way. I stayed at the camp over an hour or more & saw them comfortably established, saw that they got their beds & filled them, & looked out for the little drummer boys who were not sworn in & didn’t get any blankets nor anything. I don’t know why & am going to find out this afternoon. But they got their beds the same as the rest & borrowed all the overcoats they wanted so they would get along well enough for the night. They say they are used to such life having served 9 months in Massachusetts 20th Regiment & were in the Ball’s Bluff fight.”

Herbert Daniels at the Battle of Fredericksburg

The 7th Rhode Island Infantry finished its organization in September, 1862. From there it was sent down to Washington, D.C., before being assigned to the 9th Corps of the Army of the Potomac. In December, 1862, the 7th Rhode Island Infantry fought at the Battle of Fredericksburg. Herbert Daniels wrote a letter on December 14, 1862, telling Salina about the Battle and the regiment’s loss of their lieutenant colonel, Welcome Ballou Sayles.

“There has been a great battle & Percy & I were in it but we were not hurt. The mail is going in a few minutes so I can’t write much. Lieut. [George A.] Wilbur was hit in the leg—not very bad. Mr. [Harris C.] Wright [of Co. B] was badly wounded. I can’t find out whether he is alive or not. He was rather rash, went up with the Colonel to the front while the rest of us were lying down.

Thursday they shelled the city all day but we did nothing but look on. Friday forenoon we entered the city and stayed all day & night until yesterday noon when we went in the field and stayed till dark, lying down behind a hill except when we stood up to fire. The Colonel [Bliss] said the fire was as hot as men were ever exposed to. Only 18 men of our company & 14 of Percy’s could be found at night and yet there was but 1 known to be killed. Not a man in the regiment ran away or flinched. [Lieut.] Col. [Welcome Ballou] Sayles was killed instantly. We shall miss him very much.”

Herbert Daniels and the Battle of the Crater

Image of aftermath of explosion at the Battle of the Crater.
Image of aftermath of explosion at the Battle of the Crater via Wikimedia Commons.

On June 29, 1864, Herbert Daniels’ brother, Percy, was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 7th Rhode Island Infantry. The regiment was part of the Siege of Petersburg and on July 30, 1864, Herbert Daniels begin writing a letter to Salina Waterson at 6 AM. He updated the letter sporadically throughout the day, giving a real time account of the Battle of the Crater.

“6 o’clock Saturday morning [30 July 1864]. The rebellion didn’t get started upward until about 5 o’clock. I was in bed as usual and listening & felt the jar 2 or 3 times & jumped up and looked & saw the column of dirt high above the hill which is between here & there. Then about a hundred cannon opened & I laid down again. I expected some of the rebel shells would come over here but they don’t. I don’t believe the Rebs are doing much. Our guns are still firing as fast as possible.

The troops don’t all charge at once. I believe our Brigade hasn’t gone in yet. They have been all ready though for hours. I soon got up and pretty soon found the Spy of the 26th here in Percy’s tent & went back and laid down & read it & then came back here. I am going to breakfast now.

8 o’clock. The firing continues & shakes the very ground, to say nothing of the hair on our heads even at this distance. Walter is here in Percy’s tent. His whole Corps is around here. I have just heard from our Brigade. It is probably charging now.

Clark had a good breakfast ready—ham, potatoes, bread & butter, chocolate &c. Walter had heard from that Bixby & James & David Daniels. He is reading those Spys & was very glad to get them. [William H.] Folsom is in camp. I see him every day. He doesn’t go into battle. He is a clerk & assists in the hospital sometimes.

10 o’clock. The mail has come bringing me a Providence Evening Press but no letters.

5 P. M. The rebellion still lives. It seems as though this operation was a complete failure. It is said that the Rebs have recovered all they lost which wasn’t much—only that a few guns and men were buried this morning. (I haven’t heard a gun or cannon for some time but just heard what sounded like a small locomotive whizzing over these woods. You will have the particulars of this affair in Monday’s papers & we shall get it Monday night in the Washington Morning & Sunday Chronicle.”

Herbert Daniels continued serving with his regiment until the end of the war. Percy Daniels later became lieutenant governor of Kansas. Herbert first married Elizabeth LaPierre in 1868, but the two divorced five years later. He then married Salina (Brewster) Waterson in 1873 and the two remained married until her death in 1882. Herbert Daniels died in 1888, apparently of starvation, after becoming reclusive and falling destitute, living off of only his six dollar monthly pension.

We’d like to that William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Herbert Daniels’ letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry and Joseph Maitland of the 95th Ohio Infantry.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 44: Kimball Pearsons 10th New York Cavalry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Kimball Pearsons was born in Collins, New York, on October 11, 1831, to Amos and Mary (Bartlett) Pearsons. Amos died in 1850 and Mary died in 1859. Kimball Pearsons married Elizabeth “Betsey” Harris on July 4, 1861. Sadly, Betsey Harris died not long afterward of tuberculosis on June 1, 1862. Her death and Kimball Pearsons’ grief led him to enlisting in the 10th New York Cavalry shortly afterward on August 28, 1862.

Serving alongside Kimball Pearsons in Company L of the 10th New York Cavalry was his close friend Joseph Matthews. Together, Kimball Pearsons and Joseph Matthews sent over a hundred letters back home, mostly to Kimball’s sister, Harriett, and her husband William Press. Also frequently mentioned in the letters are Harriett’s young daughters, Ida and May Press.

Kimball Pearsons at Elmira, New York

Photo of Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry taken in January 1864.
Photo of Kimball Pearsons of the 10th New York Cavalry taken in January 1864.

The 10th New York Cavalry was initially organized at Elmira, New York, on September 27, 1861. However, three additional companies were later organized the following year and it was the eventual Company L that Kimball Pearsons became a part of. Kimball Pearsons’ letters in this collection begin on September 12, 1862 in Elmira where the three new companies were still being organized.

On October 12, 1862, Kimball Pearsons wrote to his sister and gave her a description of how he and the other men passed the time while they waited for their company to obtain the necessary number of recruits.

“Maybe you would like to know how I have passed the day. Well in the first place I got up and washed me in a few minutes, formed in line with the rest for roll call. Then came breakfast then a few 12 or 16 played a game of ball. Then an hour or so of drill then Bela Dexter cut my hair, and I cut his, and Daniel Brown’s, then sat around and lazed around till dinner time. Then we played two games of ball after dinner, drilled an hour and lazed around until supper time. We had Potatoes, beef coffee bread and butter for breakfast, Pork & Beans beef & bread and water for dinner, Pudding and Rice and Milk and Butter for Supper, and this evening I am writing for you. We have dancing in our shanty about every other night. One of our company has a fiddle. Some play Chess some Checkers, some cards some read and some do what they are a mind to every day.”

Kimball Pearsons remained in Elmira until October 30, 1862 when he and the other recruits started south toward Virginia.

Kimball Pearsons at Fredericksburg, Virginia

In December, 1862, the 10th New York Cavalry were at Fredericksburg, Virginia. Kimball Pearsons and the rest of his company were serving as escorts and bodyguards to General William Farrar Smith and his staff. On December 15, 1862, Kimball Pearsons wrote a letter describing the recent fighting.

“Early in the morning we followed Gen. Smith & Staff to within ½ mile of the river and were stationed behind a hill where shells could not hit us. (this was the 11th) Some of our artillery was on the hill in front of us, and Shelled the woods and houses on the other side and our men Succeeded in putting a pontoon bridge across, and after Sundown there was a force of Infantry, Cavalry & Artillery thrown across and established their pickets lines about a mile from the river. This was on the left wing Franklins Grand Division 2 or 3 miles below Fredericksburg. In the latter part of the night and the next day which was the 12th most of the remainder of the troops crossed. There was some Shelling from both sides to day. The right wing which is above Frederick. and the Center at Frederick. also effected a crossing the 12th I commenced acting as Orderly for Capt. Scofield Gen. Smiths Commissary. We rode some 10 or 12 miles back to order up a herd of 160 head of cattle. Then back, and crossed the pontoon bridge to stay at Gen Smiths Head quarters, and directly Gen Burnside and a dozen or more Generals came across & Gen Smith and Staff myself included rode nearly the whole length of our lines, (I mean Franklins Division). This was after sundown, we then camped in a chestnut grove & Capt & I started before light and rode where we did the day before. O! I forgot, last night soon after we crossed the bridge a piece of shell struck within a rod of me.”

Kimball Pearsons continued his description of the battle on Saturday, December 13.

“The Battle raged fiercely all day and I don’t hear whether we [had] very decisive result on either side. At night as we were riding back to Head Quarters when within a mile of the river 8 shells struck close to us the nearest about 4 rods off. The made me scrunch a little. Yesterday and to day I am on the same route as the two days before. Some of our company have been where the bullets & shells flew so thick that they had to lie down. But I don’t hear as any of our company have been hit yet.”

Kimball Pearsons also updated his family about Joseph Matthews who had some close calls during the fight on Sunday.

“There was not much fighting nor there is not much today. Joe stayed on the other side of the river since we first went over yesterday. He said a shell struck within 10 feet of him. Twas in the grove where we slept. He said they flew thick among the tree tops and he and lots more skedaddled behind a stone barn. Joe and I are not together from before light in the morn till after dark at night. Our, or the line of battle must extend some 4 or 6 miles this is my measurement. I have several times been on the hill this side of the river where I could see the whole line of the Rebs are on elevated ground from where our Infantry and Artillery are but we have batteries on the hills on this side of the river which can reach any of their batteries. Frederick. has been shelled and set on fire in several places. The inhabitants all left.”

Continued Fighting by the 10th New York Cavalry

Photo of Harriett (Pearsons) Press and her husband William Press.
Photo of Harriett (Pearsons) Press and her husband William Press.

The 10th New York Cavalry fought in many battles and skirmishes throughout 1863 and 1864, including the Battle of Gettysburg. However it was at the Battle of Haw’s Shop, Virginia, in May, 1864, where Kimball Pearsons said he faced the hardest fighting of the war. He first wrote about  the battle the day after it happened, on May 29, 1864.

“Yesterday the 28th we fought the enemy dismounted in the woods, both Divisions of our cavalry, we were all day fighting in the woods & between 3 & 4 PM we drove them 2 miles then halted & established a line & thew up small abatises (I guess that is the name) of logs & rails to get behind but the rebs did not advance on us again. Our regt lost 11 killed 27 wounded & 3 missing, and 2 Officers wounded making 43 in all. Sergeants John Vail of Collins Centre & — Baker of North Collins or near Shirley are both dead. Baker was shot dead. Vail was shot through the right lung and died last night. Our co had 4 wounded. I don’t know of any others that you would know that are hurt. I fired over 50 rounds at the rebs yesterday, twas as hard a days work as I ever done. I was completely tired out long before night but stayed on the skirmish line till after dark when we were withdrawn and moved back a few miles leaving our Infantry in front of us. We fought dismounted cavalry troop who had just come from S. Carolina & Georgia. I am all right, only being hit with a spent ball on my boot which did no damage.”

Kimball wrote another description of the battle on June 4, 1864 in a letter home to Harriett and William Press.

“I have been in four battles since we crossed the Pamunkey the last time the 28th was a hard fight with the cavalry, we fight in the weeds dismounted. Can’t get the Chivalry into an open field and so have to fight them where we can find them. I fired over 50 carbine shots at them the 28th while on the skirmish line (I don’t know but I wrote this before), some days lately we have fought all day then built breast works all night. I never knew what it was to be tired till I soldiered it; we laid still yesterday & are quiet now at nine oclock this morning. If I ever get out of this I can tell tales that would make a home guard shudder. I came down here to shoot rebs & I have had a good many shots at them with an excellent gun & Wm. you know whether you would like to have even so poor a marksman as me shoot at you with a rifle that will carry ½ a mile when you were 6, 10, or even 100 rods off.”

Sadly, Kimball Pearsons was killed just a week after this letter was written at the Battle of Trevilian Station on June 11, 1864. Lieutenant Frederick A. Gee of his company wrote to Harriett and William Press to let them know Kimball Pearsons final words.

“I asked him what I should tell his friends, he said “You know how I have done my duty and know what to say to them.” Tell my comrades said he, ‘To do their duty as I have done mine.’

‘I am glad I enlisted, hope our cause may succeed and firmly believe it will and that slavery will be done away with and that the old flag will again float over an undivided country, and that the result of the war will be to make us a more free and prosperous nation.’ In speaking of death he said, ‘Were it not for this terrible pain it would be pleasant to die.’ In speaking of the future he said, ‘I think different from many but believe that my spirit will live on and that I shall be happy.’ He requested me to remember the place where he fell and also where he was buried, which, no doubt, have already been described to you by Sgt. Washburn. He lived two hours after he was wounded and died at 6 P.M. was perfectly conscious to the last moment, knew and said he knew he could not live and expressed no regrets whatever, and no man was ever more reconciled to his fate or more composed than he.”

Kimball’s statement, “I think different from many but believe that my spirit will live on and that I shall be happy,” is likely a reference to his spiritualist beliefs which were also shared by his sister Harriett. Throughout his time in the service Kimball Pearsons was an avid reader of the spiritualist newspaper, the “Banner of Light”, which Harriett mailed him.

The more than 100 letters in the Kimball Pearsons collection were made possible through the generous donation of David B. Russell who allowed the Research Arsenal to digitize these letters in conjunction with St. Bonaventure University. His book, “Tough & Hearty: Kimball Pearsons, Civil War Cavalryman, Co. L, 10th Regiment of Cavalry, New York State Volunteers,” contains transcriptions of most of Kimball’s letters, as well as diary entries and a history of Kimball Pearsons’ family.

To read all of Kimball Pearsons’ letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Joseph Maitland of the 95th Ohio Infantry and Henry Cole Smith of the 8th Connecticut Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 43: Joseph Maitland 95th Ohio Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Joseph Maitland was born in 1838 to James Madison Maitland and Anna (Mast) Maitland of Salem, Ohio. Joseph Maitland enlisted in Company G, 95th Ohio Infantry on August 8, 1862 and was appointed corporal on August 19, 1862. On December 5, 1862 he was promoted to sergeant.

In 1862 Joseph Maitland, along with much of his regiment, was taken prisoner at Richmond, Kentucky by Confederate forces under the command of General Kirby Smith. He was paroled and sent to Columbus Ohio for about three months until the end of 1862.

For this spotlight we’ll focus on the 13 letters he wrote in 1864 to his future wife, Arabella Wharton.

The 95th Ohio Infantry in Tennessee

Levee at Memphis, Tennessee in 1864.
Levee at Memphis, Tennessee in 1864.

In Joseph Maitland’s first letter in our collection, he wrote from a camp near Memphis, Tennessee on May 11, 1864 about the recent expedition the 95th Ohio Infantry had made in the area.

“After proceeding about 34 miles east of Memphis, it was found that the bridge over Wolf River had been destroyed so that we could go no further that way, so we abandoned the railroad and proceeded to take up our line of march on foot. Our course was in a southeasterly direction passing through the towns of Moscow (which is nearly all burned), Somerville & Bolivar. At the last named place, our cavalry — which was in the advance — overtook a part of Forrest’s command and had a small skirmish with him in which there was not much loss on either side. The Rebs retreated over the Hatch River in the direction of Jackson, Tennessee. They burnt the bridge over the river, thus stopping us from following them. It was the intention to rebuild the bridge & follow them, but on sending some scouts to Jackson, it was found that they had evacuated that place also…

… After going nearly to Ripley, Mississippi and seeing no signs of any Rebs, and getting very short of rations, it was finally concluded to give up the expedition and return to Memphis. We arrived here on night before last after an absence of ten days, during that time we marched 120 miles on foot and went 68 by railroad. I thought I had seen hard soldiering before this, but never in my life did I see as hard times as on this march. The weather was uncommonly hot, the roads dusty, and a good part of the time we were on very short rations. Many times we would not stop at night until near midnight & then be called up to match at 3 o’clock in the morning. We hardly ever had time to cook breakfast, and at night we would be too tired to get any supper. But notwithstanding all the hardships, we passed through. My health was good all the time, but my feet got very sore.”

In addition to the military presence in Memphis, there were also economic controls put in place in order to prevent union goods being used to aid Confederate forces. In a letter  written on May 14, 1864, Joseph Maitland expressed his support for these measures.

“On day after tomorrow the lines close round the City of Memphis and no more goods or citizens will be allowed to pass out. Heretofore, citizens coming in from the country would take out goods to the amount of 800 & 1,000 dollars at a time and we have good reasons to believe that a good portion went to Forrest’s Army. But that game will be blocked for the next hundred days to come.”

Joseph Maitland Takes Ill

On August 7, 1864, Joseph Maitland wrote to Arabella with some unfortunate news about his health.

“Again I seat myself to pen you a line. I suppose you will think strange of my being in our old camp while our Regiment is out with the expedition. It certainly is strange, but if you give me time enough, I will give you the reasons. When I wrote you last we were at La Grange expecting orders to march every moment. In the afternoon of the day I wrote, we received orders to march and accordingly we took up our line of march to Davis’ Mills where we encamped for the night and over Sunday. On Monday we started again taking a southerly direction, marched about 15 miles to a creek by the name of Coldwater. During the night we were there, it rained & I got pretty thoroughly soaked. The next day I felt very badly with toothache & headache but managed to march with the regiment to Holly Springs where we went into camp.

Soon after stopping, I was taken with a chill & afterwards high fever and was unable to do anything. After remaining there two days & not getting any better, I was (with a number of others out of the Brigade) ordered to go back to Memphis to report to the Superintendent of Hospitals for treatment. On the evening of the 3rd, we started & arrived here on the 4th & reported. A good many were sent to hospitals but as I always had a peculiar dread for the institution, I persuaded the surgeon to let me come out to our old camp. I am not to say dangerously ill as I have got the fever about broken up. I still have very severe pain in my side & head, but hope to be better in a few days. I think the most I need is rest as we have had none scarcely tis summer.”

While recovering from his sickness, Joseph Maitland also wrote about the deteriorating economic situation in the area in a letter dated August 13, 1864.

“The only way we can hold our own with the women peddlers is to milk their cows that come round our camp. Yesterday I was having very good luck milking, when the owner of the cow—an old woman—came running out and you had better believe I caught it. She said, “Don’t you feel ashamed to milk other people’s cows?” I told her no, I didn’t feel at all bad when they sold us milk that was half water. She got very huffy & went to drive her cow off but as she was not at all afraid of soldiers, she ran up to our camp & I finished milking her right before the  old woman’s eyes and you had better believe she cared. But I didn’t mind her & so got milk enough of our coffee for several meals (don’t think I am getting demoralized).

There has been an order issued stopping all goods except those sold by the sutlers & government stores from coming down the [Mississippi] River. The consequence is that the merchants in Memphis have raised on their prices more than double what they used to be. For instance, suspenders that used to sell for 50 cents are sold for $1.50. Very common woolen shirts sell at $10 & $12 per pair. But perhaps this is not interesting to you & so I will say no more on this subject.”

Joseph Maitland Court Martial Clerk

Illustration of the court martial of Gen. Fitzjohn Porter from Harper’s Weekly dated January 3, 1863. Though Joseph Maitland was not a clerk at this particular court martial, it serves as an example of how court martials were conducted.
Illustration of the court martial of Gen. Fitz John Porter from Harper’s Weekly dated January 3, 1863. Though Joseph Maitland was not a clerk at this particular court martial, it serves as an example of how court martials were conducted.

By October, 1864, Joseph Maitland had been detailed as a clerk for the General Courts Martial being held in Memphis, Tennessee. He seemed to enjoy the duty as he wrote  to Arabella on October 23, 1864.

“I am still clerking for the Court Marshal and am having first rate times. I am enjoying very good health for which I feel durably thankful.”

He continued working as a clerk for at least another month before being ordered back to his regiment along with all the other detached men from his division. Joseph Maitland informed Arabella of the situation in a letter written on November 17.

“In my last I told you that Orders had been received here that all the detachments and detached men belonging to the 1st & 3rd Divisions, 16th Army Corps were ordered to Paducah, Kentucky. Yesterday the detachment of our brigade broke up camp and last evening started up the [Mississippi] River. The weather here for the past four or five days has been very wet and disagreeable — one of the very worst times to break up camp. But notwithstanding all the disadvantages, the Order had to be obeyed. I did not get started with the detachment as there was still considerable business of the Court on hand. There was an application signed by all the members of the Court sent to Head Quarters requesting to have me permanently detailed. Today the application came back disapproved so I am looking all the time to be relieved and ordered to Paducah. I may not get off for a few days yet — perhaps not till next week some time. I was in good hopes that I would get to remain here as I am so comfortably situated but it seems to be my lot to have to go & I will submit although it goes considerably against the grain.”

Despite Joseph Maitland believing he was soon to return to his regiment, the court martial to which he was serving was only dissolved in December, 1864, as he detailed in a letter written on December 16, 1864.

“Since Gen’l [Napoleon J. T.] Dana assumed command of this department, he has made a good many changes. Our Court Martial has been busted up. The Headquarters District of Memphis has been changed to Headquarters Post and Defenses of Memphis. Gen’l Buckland still in command. Gen’l [James Clifford] Veatch takes command of the District of West Tennessee. The whole including Paducah and the country to Vicksburg including Vicksburg under command of Gen’l Dana.”

Joseph Maitland was mustered out on May 31, 1865. He married Arabella Wharton in 1867 and died in 1918.

We’d like to give a special thank you to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Joseph Maitland’s letters, numerous letters written to him by friends as family, as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Henry Cole Smith of the 8th Connecticut Infantry and William Prince of the Ordnance Department.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 42: Henry Cole Smith 8th Connecticut Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Henry Cole Smith was born in 1845 to Marcus DeForest Smith and Harriet (Cole) Smith of Kent, Connecticut. He was just fifteen years old when he enlisted in Company E of the 8th Connecticut Infantry on September 28, 1861.

The nine letters in the Research Arsenal collection were written to a friend of Henry Cole Smith named Nancy L. Harrison.

Henry Cole Smith in Virginia

Photo of “White House” once belonging to the Custis family taken on May 17, 1862. It burned down in June, 1862, prior to Henry Cole Smith’s arrival.
Photo of “White House” once belonging to the Custis family taken on May 17, 1862. It burned down in June, 1862, prior to Henry Cole Smith’s arrival via Wikimedia Commons.

The first letter in our collection was written from Suffolk, Virginia on May 10, 1863. At the time the 8th Connecticut Infantry had recently been involved in the siege of Suffolk. Henry Cole Smith wrote to Nancy about the 8th Connecticut Infantry’s successful capture of a Confederate battery.

“You have probably read about our taking the rebel battery the other side of the river, so I shall not need to say much about that. I was there of course. I fired my rifle 3 times. None of the boys fired more times than that, with one of our rifles, but those who had Sharps Rifles fired 5 times. Some of the boys fired none. One man of this company was wounded in his arm and leg but not seriously.”

Henry Cole Smith also shared his hopes that Fredericksburg would be taken soon and that it would bring the war to a close.

“There is a great anxiety felt here for Gen. Hooker. I hope he may succeed in his attempt to drive the rebels from their stronghold round Fredericksburg. I think there will be some chance for this war to end in 8 or 10 months after he has driven the enemy from Fredericksburg.”

One June 28, 1863, Henry Cole Smith wrote another letter to Nancy, this time from White House Landing, Virginia. He described the (now burned) house where they were staying and its long history.

“The house from which this place took its name has been burned. It was burned when General McClellan evacuated this place last year. The house (I should judge from the foundation) must have been a very pretty one and was owned by Brigadier General F. H. Lee of the rebel army. He also owned the farm on which we are encamped. About an hour since, I saw an old Negro 102 years old. He says he can remember when General Washington was married in the “White House.”

While George Washington was at the Custis family’s “White House” the marriage was in 1759 and even if the man were 102 he would have been too young to have witnessed the marriage himself.

Along with the description, Henry Cole Smith’s letter also included a few plant specimens from the White House and surrounding area.

“I will enclose a few flowers—the pink Larkspur I picked in the ‘White House’ garden and the white French Lilac came from the same place. The leaf came from the Dismal Swamp and the other flowers I picked near Suffolk. And that little yellow clove I picked near Yorktown. We were encamped there 3 days.”

Henry Cole Smith in 1864

Painting of the steamship Daniel Webster made in 1900 by Antonio Jacobsen.
Painting of the steamship Daniel Webster made in 1900 by Antonio Jacobsen via Wikimedia Commons.

Henry Cole Smith reenlisted as a veteran in the 8th Connecticut Infantry on December 23, 1863. In a letter from March 2, 1864, Henry Cole Smith described the regiment’s voyage on board the steamer ship Daniel Webster after spending some time in New Haven, Connecticut.

“We left Wallingford Saturday P. M. that evening we went aboard the steamer Daniel Webster, that which was lying at the end of the “long wharf”, New Haven. We never were so crowded aboard a boat as much as we were aboard this boat. The first night the orderly (E. Wadhams) and I slept together on the deck. The second day one of the boys broke into an empty stateroom and occupied one of the bunks. I went in and monopolized the other bunk so I was better off than most of the boys. The ocean was not very rough so we may say our passage down was quite a pleasant one, but it was slow as we were going toward the wind all the time.”

A little further in the letter, Henry Cole Smith said he felt more at home with the regiment than he did back in Connecticut, which might also explain some of his reasons for reenlisting.

“The boys are in very good spirits. I feel more at home than I did when I was in Cornwall. I felt out of my place when I was there and now I feel as if I am where I belong.”

A little over a week later, on March 8, 1864, Henry Cole Smith revealed that he was currently studying to take the examination for a commission in a US Colored Troops regiment.

“I have been studying the “tactics” so I feel pretty well prepared for an examination whenever I am called upon. If I receive an appointment in a Colored Regiment—either the 29th or 30th Connecticut—I will probably be able to visit Cornwall before the regiment leaves the state, and in that case if I do not stay with you later than I did the last night, it will be strange.”

Henry Cole Smith also wrote to Nancy on March 26, 1864, and describe the construction of the camp of the 8th Connecticut Infantry currently located outside of Deep Creek, Virginia.

“Yesterday I was detailed for guard and on guard mount the Adjutant detailed me for “Orderly” so I could not answer your letter yesterday. You perceive that we have moved camp by the heading of this letter, which we did the 12th and now are encamped on the left bank of the “Southern Branch” of the Elizabeth River—or as it is called here by the citizens, “Deep Creek.” The soil is quite sandy, the surface about 12 feet above the water. In the summer I think we will find a good breeze on this bank. We have not the “old log house? but we have a house which is quite comfortable and very much the same shape as the “Hall” was but not as large. Instead of a “fireplace,” we have a stove. And instead of logs, we have the sides of the house built of “shakes” as the Negroes call them. To make them the Negroes cut down large pine trees, saw them up in pieces from 4 feet to 6 feet long, then take a “fro” and split the blocks up with strips about ½ inch thick and from 3 inches to 6 inches wide, which we have to use in the South for boards.”

Henry Cole Smith on the March

After outfitting their new recruits with rifles, the 8th Connecticut Infantry went on some long marches in April, 1864. These long marches took a toll on the soldiers and on April 16, 1864, Henry Cole Smith wrote a letter detailing his own method to try and get through them as well as he could.

“I think the men had sorer feet on this march than ever before because we got them so wet the night before, and then we marched about 30 miles that day. My feet were not as sore as a great many were and that evening when I took off my boots & stockings on the bank of a little brook to soak my feet in the water to take the fever out of them, I found the skin had been worn off in several places and that my feet were rather bloody. I think my feet would have been so sore. I could not have walked on them if I had not used a preventative which was to rub soap on them, which made my stockings stick to my feet and instead of my stockings slipping on my feet, my boots slipped on my stockings. This I have tried several times and found it was a great help to me on a march. I have told others of it also and they do so also.”

On March 18, 1865, Henry Cole Smith wrote to Nancy that he soon expected to be discharged but asked her to keep it a secret.

“Nancy I guess the time is not far distant when you may look in earnest for me. By this I mean that I have great hopes of being discharged on account of disability contracted in the pursuance of my duties as a soldier while marching. Still you must not make up your mind that I am to be discharged for you might get disappointed again. Please keep this a secret, for if I succeed, I wish to surprise Cornwall people. You and “my people” are the only ones that know there is such a move on foot, I guess.”

Henry Cole Smith’s prediction was correct and he was officially discharged for disability on March 28, 1865, because of a hernia. He died in 1917.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Henry Cole Smith’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like William Prince of the Ordnance Department and Benjamin Hulburd of the 2nd Vermont Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 41: William Prince Ordnance Department

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Prince was the son of a well-known horticulturalist, William Robert Prince, and Charlotte Goodwin (Collins) Prince of Flushing, New York. William Prince initially served as a private in the 9th New York State Militia (later designated the 83rd New York Infantry). He was wounded at the Battle of Antietam on September 17, 1862. Although he was commissioned as a lieutenant in the 159th New York Infantry, he never served with them and instead took up a position in the Ordnance Department, serving much of his time during the war at the Washington Arsenal.

Most of William Prince’s letters in the Research Arsenal collection were written to his brother, “Banny,” better known as LeBaron Bradford Prince, who later became the 14th Territorial Governor of New Mexico.

Appointment at Washington Arsenal

William Prince wrote the first letter in our collection to his brother on January 14, 1864, from Washington, D.C. He was very excited and proud of obtaining a position in the Ordnance Department, as there were few positions available and it required a rather arduous examination which few men were able to pass. Making it through the examination, granted William Prince a certain level of recognition from his peers, which he described.

“You see I am almost unique before the board only 1 other being under way at the same time that has got through. I have heard the poor innocents slaughtered off 3 or 4 a day. But when they stick to a man it takes 1 whole day almost for the oral examination. Its astounding what a cheek some of these candidates must have had to try this thing on. This fact of there being only 2 of us makes it far pleasanter in our daily intercourse with this Office than if we were 2 of a whole rabble of newly pledged officers. The clerks and others in the office seem to look upon us as the ones that had weathered a pretty stiff gale and respect us accordingly.”

Floor plan drawn by William Prince in a letter written to his brother.
Floor plan drawn by William Prince in a letter written to his brother.

In a letter written March 13, 1864, William Prince provided his brother with a detailed floorplan of the house he shared with several other ordnance officers (see above). He also shared that Ordnance Officers didn’t remain at one post for long, and that he should expect to be stationed at various arsenals throughout his service.

“One thing I must tell you before I forget. When I handed my order in at the office to be entered on the Post order Book the Clerk looked over and said, there is no “temporarily” in the order so you will be here for 6 months. It now appears that Ordnance Officers are rotated from Post to Post every 6 months in order to familiarize them with the different classes of work done at the different Arsenals & Posts. This is done with all officers except commanders of Posts unless some unusual circumstance may dictate a different course. They say my next will probably be Watervliet.”

William Prince Testing Ordnance

In the same lengthy letter written on March 13, 1864, William Prince also described his current duties at the Washington Arsenal, which involved testing a large number of experimental firearms.

“One of my duties has been to conduct the trials of new Rifles or Carbines of which one new design a day is about the average. In these cases I send over by the orderly from the Office to the Master Armorer at Shop “A” that a Carbine is in the Office to be tried, and that he will send over a man for it and make the necessary arrangements and that I will be at the 300 yard stand in half an hour (Oh we are so deliberate). In half an hour I strode to the 300 yard stand and witness the firing from a fixed rest 20 shots, making notes in my memorandum book on the general operation of the piece, the men at the target taking the coordinates of the shots. I then order down a standard arm of the class in question and have it fired 20 times; then order the firing squad to the 500 yard stand and do the same thing. Then walk over to the office simply saying to Mr Dudley the master armorer, “Mr D before sending in your target record you will please fire the piece 3 times at the “penetration target” and enter the result also weigh the piece before sending it back cleaned to the Office.

The Book is sent in and my Clerk makes out a blank form report on 4 blank forms reducing each target of 20 shots from coordinates at center of target to coordinates of “center of impact” and enters the weight, kind, length &c of piece the grs of powder & lead in cartridges, the no of grooves, the length of twist, the calibre, and several other points in their proper places, and next morning say they are handed to me I have meanwhile made a report on the peculiarities of construction in the piece, the points that I consider advantageous and the defects or objectionable features in my opinion and refer to the detailed reports of firing which accompany the report, finally stating whether I think it on the whole sufficiently meritorious to deserve further trial in the hands of troops.

If I (even I) recommend the latter course, the proprietor of the invention (who is present always at the trial) receives a day or two afterwards, from the ordnance office, an order for the regular 1000 pieces which are always ordered first if we conclude to try it, just to arm on regiment. This with Carbines is about $30,000 and it rests with me 2 days out of 3 to say whether somebody shall have it or not, with the prospect of further orders. You have no idea how complicated the question of breech loading carbines is getting. We have 137 different designs now on hand and they come about 5 a week.”

On September 25, 1864, William Prince wrote a fascinating account of some of the weapons testing he witnessed at the nearby Navy Yard. These tests cost enormous sums of money and were used to see the effectiveness of different types of weapons against various mock ship hulls, all modeled off of existing ships.

“I went over with Maj Benton, Genl Dyer, Maj Rodman and two other Genls not Ordce to see some experiments at the Navy Yard Battery in firing large guns against iron plates. There has of course been a vast amount of this kind of experimenting going on the[re] as the Washn Navy Yard is the headquarters of the Ordce Dept of the Navy. The plates used are generally 10 to 15 feet long by 5 or 6 feet high and of all kinds of thicknesses and numbers of thicknesses. There are seen the results of previous experiments, the huge plates ranged like books in a titan library and labelled “La Guerre,” “Warrior” “Bellerophon” &c &c all made of the plates from precisely the same English, French or other firms that furnished the plates for the vessels named and all with the broken oak backing still kept on them, said backing having been carefully constructed from drawings and descriptions of the same vessels. The holes through the plates are all catalogued, dated and there appears in hieroglyphic characters P 300.40 M SP Parrott 300 pounder 40 lbs Mortar Powder Steel Punch, then Dahlgreen 15 inch smooth bore 60 lbs Mortar powder 480 lbs shot 200 yds, Brooks Rifle 180 lb Tennessee Sabot 35 lbs Cannon Powder. 280 yds &c &c. Here also are all the proposed systems of sheathing with successive inch plates instead of 5 solid plates and with alternate plates of iron & rubber each an inch thick. Every native and foreign conception is here with the results of our own and foreign guns upon it. Each lages (plate) can be fired at about 4 times and as they cost some of them as high as $35,000 a piece with the ship side built behind them the experiments are somewhat costly. Targets of chains in single & double thickness over a ships side a la Kearsarge are here also. Well what I saw was this. About a quarter of a million was to be expended in the trials of some of John Brown of Sheffield’s great plates of the very best wrought iron which the English have used. He is their great man and when they use other than his plates it is because they don’t want to go the expense. One plate of 5 inch thick was fired at 4 times it had 5 feet of solid oak behind it and a 1 inch plate on the far side.

The shots were all different. Three of them pierced it and 2 tore away all the oak and went 10 and 15 feet into the bank behind it. The one that didn’t pierce it was a Brooks projectile from an 8 inch Brooks gun. The Tennessee’s gun, a kind made for the Rebs by the British, and considered their tip topper. There were ever so many more trials of French and English as well as Amcn plates but I will only mention the big thing which was firing the 15 inch gun with 60 pounds Cannon Powder and a round shot of turned cast steel weighing 480 lbs against a plate of Steel 7 inches thick and backed proportionately with oak. The shot went through this plate and tore things generally so that no more shots could be tried at it till it is rebacked. The edges of the holes in these cases are usually red hot and the wood work is invariably set on fire by the heat generated by compression, the balls when other than cast iron are mashed into disks in some cases almost turned wrong side out. The one central point of the rear side of the ball is the only one that has no tendency to change and it remains in what is technically called a tit thus [sketch of before and after of a ball’s deformation on impact]. The cast iron shot are partially fused but not till they have done their work.”

Fire At Washington Arsenal

Photo of the remains of the building after the explosion in 1864 at the Washington Arsenal.
Photo of the remains of the building after the explosion in 1864 at the Washington Arsenal via Wikimedia commons.

On June 17, 1864, there was a horrific explosion at the Washington Arsenal after flares left in the sun to dry ignited and flew into a nearby warehouse where they caused a barrel of gunpowder to explode and blew the roof off of the building. At the time 108 women were working in the building, and 21 were killed in the resulting fire and explosion.

William Prince was working at the Washington Arsenal at the time of the explosion and described the grizzly seen to his brother in a letter written on June 20, 1864.

“But now the roof has fallen in and the South end is all on the ground and beginning to break up, and there they are, Mr Brown had sworn that he knew they had all got out, he hoped the fire would give him a temporary respite by obliterating the traces. At any rate he lied perhaps to snake himself believe that his carelessness had not been fatal. But there they were, the beams were supported by them angularly as they had fallen on them and they peered out, deadening the fire in smouldering [smoldering] roasting spots with tangles of steel hoop of skirts. A horrible smell and peeps of white bones. Oh Banny it was worse than a battlefield, and we were sick even the major.

Well there were 17 burned up in the building and 3 have since died. No more will die and there are but 3 or 4 more much burnt. There were some 120 in the building at the time I think I can safely say that they were suffocated almost instantly. The fire was kept in one building in the midst of an Arsenal. We all felt that we had done well. Mr Brown was in reality not as much to blame as he was scared. The funeral was immense the coffins (made at the post the same afternoon) were splendid black walnut & silver in profusion. The men of the Arsenal have given a days wages for a monument or the families, and the Officers must do something handsome.”

William Prince continued to serve in the Ordnance Department through the end of the war and after, at times stationed in New York, Pennsylvania, and Charleston, South Carolina, eventually reaching the rank of captain before his death at the age of 47 on December 18, 1880.

To read more of William Prince’s letters, including several he wrote after the war, and have access to thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Benjamin Hulburd of the 2nd Vermont Infantry and Samuel Huntingdon of the 100th New York Infantry.

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 40: Benjamin Hulburd 2nd Vermont Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Benjamin Hulburd was born in 1822 in Waterville, Vermont. He was 40 years old when he first enlisted in the 7th Vermont Infantry in 1862. He was discharged for disability after about a year of service. Not letting that stop him, he then enlisted in the 2nd Vermont Infantry in late 1863 to serve alongside his brother, Daniel Hulburd, and his nephew, Loyal Hulburd.

The Research Arsenal collection contains letters written by Benjamin Hulburd during his time in the 7th Vermont Infantry as well as the 2nd Vermont Infantry, but for the purposes of this spotlight we will focus on his time with the 2nd Vermont Infantry.

All of the letters in the collection were written by Benjamin Hulburd to his wife, Juliana (Miller) Hulburd and their children.

The 2nd Vermont Infantry at Petersburg

Photo of fortifications along the Petersburg lines.
Photo of fortifications along the Petersburg lines.

On June 24, 1864, Benjamin Hulbard wrote to his wife from outside Petersburg. He detailed a recent fight where the various Vermont regiments took heavy losses.

“We left the place we were in when Loyal left Tuesday night, marched all night. Did not get more than 8 miles. Came to this place — a point on the railroad — formed our lines, sent out pickets, skirmishers, & pioneers who destroyed about 2 miles of railroad, who were driven back — all that were not killed or taken prisoners. We threw up breastworks in about 15 minutes, planted ourselves behind them expecting an immediate charge upon us as our picket said the rebs had strong skirmish lines & 2 or 3 lines of battle. We lay waiting to pay them off when they presented the charge but it seems they fell back after taking a host of prisoners. We lay till about 10 o’clock, then all left & fell back perhaps a mile & a half or two miles. What our next move will be, I of course can’t tell. On the whole, I call it a hard blow for us but still I don’t know but good will come out of it as a large force of the enemy must have come here & I don’t know but what those of our left where we came from have taken the advantage of the time & attacked Petersburg. I can not particularize — only we have had smart fighting here — gained nothing — lost heavily.

Now for the rumors of the morning. In the first place, probabilities. The 4th Vermont Regiment was out on skirmish line — not more than ¼ come in — the rest prisoners. About ½ of the 11th Vermont out but very few returned as yet. There is but little doubt but what Nathan is prisoner as his company was out & as yet none come in. I understand that about 8 companies of 11 was detailed & went out. I saw [Albert J.] Bedell of Nathan’s company. He tells me this. He was cooking for the company & did not go out. They may come in yet or some of them as they are scattering in to the 4th some this morning, but a large number — probably all — on the way to Richmond or will be soon. Tell George that it may all come out right with Nathan yet.

There is something going on to our right this morning — probably near Petersburg — as there is heavy cannonading in that direction. Would you like to know how I feel when I am in a fight or expect to go in? Well a fellow don’t have any particular. I sit or lie & chew tobacco if I have it. I always dread a skirmish line the worst. In that case, a line of men are sent way out in the front to see what is there with nothing to protect them — only their guns. They are placed about 5 or 6 paces apart, advance cautiously &c. Loyal will tell you all about it as I find I am using up paper & writing nothing.”

The “Nathan” mentioned as being taken prisoner was Benjamin Hulburd’s nephew, Nathan C. Hulburd of the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery.

A few days later, on June 27, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd wrote again to his wife, telling her that things had settled down for the moment, at least for the 2nd Vermont Infantry.

“We, Vermont 2d, have been in this place now this is the fourth day without being called upon for anything. The 2nd, 5th, & 11th Vermont are here together with the other regiments composing the 2nd Division of the 6th Corps behind good fortifications with our tents up for a shade having a good rest, altho it seems there is constant fighting on our right — probably in the vicinity of Petersburg I should think by the sound of the cannonading.”

Benjamin Hulburd also worried for his nephew.

“I feel sorry about Nathan but guess he will stand captivity as well as most anyone for camp life agreed with him. I don’t know as I ever see him look tougher than now. I expect Ed Page is gone up too.”

Benjamin Hulburd and the 2nd Vermont Infantry go to Washington

In July, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd and the 2nd Vermont Infantry were brought urgently to Washington, D.C. to shore up against a Confederate attack. On July 12, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd wrote a letter home detailing the rapid movement.

“Well Juliana, I am here now 150 miles, or such a matter, from where I was 2 days ago. Got here last night by steamer from City Point — 9 miles from Petersburg. March to City Point Saturday night, took steamer 4 P.M. & got here 4 P.M. yesterday. All excitement — skirmishing within 6 miles of [Washington] City. In 5 days the rebs got nearer Washington than our men have to Richmond in 3 years. Guess we can hold them. Can’t tell how much force we have. 6th Corps came from Petersburg…

…I understand the rebs made a charge on the fort where Nathan was last winter yesterday. Thousand stories — don’t know what to believe. Only know that skirmishing is going on now for I can see it & occasionally our men from the forts around throw shells to the rebs.”

In August, 1864, the 2nd Vermont Infantry was camped near Harper’s Ferry. Benjamin Hulburd hoped that he would be able to return to Vermont on recruiting duty, but the chances were slim.

“It has been awful hot here this summer and not scarcely any rain. I asked a favor of our Capt. yesterday which he said he would try to help me to but I think it rather doubtful about my having it granted — viz: If there were any details from this company to go to Vermont on recruiting service this fall, that I might be favorably remembered but it will probably be given to someone longer in the regiment.”

Even though Benjamin Hulburd’s morale was failing, he tried his best to remember  that things could be worse.

“Well, at present I can’t tell anything about our present or future prospects. I am almost discouraged, but yet I do not complain. I am better off than thousands and of course am thankful. I suppose we ( the 6th Corps) are here now to keep the Rebs out of Harpers Ferry — but after we hear that they have crossed the river below us and gone into Maryland and Pennsylvania and burned some few villages, we may have orders to hurry down and prevent it.”

Continued Skirmishes and Battles

View of Harper’s Ferry taken in 1862. The 2nd Vermont Infantry spent part of 1864 camped near the town.
View of Harper’s Ferry taken in 1862. The 2nd Vermont Infantry spent part of 1864 camped near the town.

On August 22, 1864, Benjamin Hulburd wrote home about another recent skirmish the 2nd Vermont Infantry found themselves in.

“Yesterday (Sunday) morning about 9 o’clock, the rebs attacked our picket line. The Old Vermont Brigade was immediately sent to the front to skirmish. We moved forward at a double quick [and] got our position. Altho our pickets had been driven back a little from their lines, you must judge whether I worked any or not. I stood in my tracks & loaded & fired 185 shots without stopping but a few minutes once or twice when I waited for cartridges. It is said that our brigade lost in killed & wounded about 250. I should think that was a rather high figure but it is possible. Tell Loyal that Sgt. [James C.] Hutchinson was shot dead & Linus Loveland lost an arm. That was all the casualties in Company H.”

Benjamin’s final letter in our collection was written on September 7, 1864 while he and the 2nd Vermont Infantry were outside of Charleston, West Virginia.

“We are “lying in wait” at present. Our object chiefly, I think, to hold the rebs here but they are dodging about us on the alert.

We are now some 10 miles from Charlestown. Moved here the 2nd inst., called up Sunday night at midnight, packed up, started off, went about a mile, halted, threw up a line of breastworks, got them finished at daylight, then had to give them up to another division of the boys & we went back to where we started from, put up our tents again, & are here yet. When we shall move again, can’t tell. May have orders to move in an hour.”

Sadly, Benjamin Hulburd was killed at the Battle of Cedar Creek a little over a month after this letter was written. His brother and his nephew, Loyal, serving alongside him in the 2nd Vermont Infantry both survived, but his nephew Nathan Hulburd who was captured in battle died at Andersonville.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Benjamin Hulburd’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Samuel Huntingdon of the 100th New York Infantry and Amasa Hammond of the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 39: Samuel Huntingdon 100th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Samuel Huntingdon was born in 1829 and lived in Carrollton, New York. He was married to Elizabeth “Libby” Desire (Fuller) Huntingdon and the couple had three children: Adele, Milford, and Ruba. In 1863 Samuel Huntingdon was drafted into company A of the 100th New York Infantry.

Drafted Men vs. Substitutes

When Samuel Huntingdon was first drafted in the fall of 1863, he spent some time waiting to be assigned to a regiment. While getting equipped at the barracks in Dunkirk, New York, Samuel Hunting observed some of the differences in how drafted men and substitutes were treated, which he shared in a letter written on October 9, 1863.

“I have got my clothing. I have got my boots taped and going to wear them. The provost marshal thought it best they let drafted men go where they are a mind to go but the substitute cannot wink without they watch him. I have got a letter of recommend[ation] from the provost marshal to go into any regiment I may choose at Elmira. We start for there tomorrow morning. The provost said I might act as one of the guard to take care of the substitutes. Mr. Beardsley told him that I could be trusted in any spot or place.”

By October 11, 1863, Samuel Huntingdon had been sent on to Elmira with many of the other drafted men and substitutes. Once there, he hoped that his rheumatism would allow him to be sent home without having to serve. Much like in Dunkirk, men serving as substitutes were not trusted.

“I [have] been well since I left home. I think that I shall have the rheumatism so I cannot do duty for my right shoulder feels some sore this morning. When we left Dunkirk, the drafted me had all the liberty that anyone could ask. There is no examination to be had here. I understand there to be one at Alexandria and I may be sent home but do not expect too much…

…Tell George I am glad I did not let him go as substitute for they show them no mercy at all.”

Samuel Huntingdon’s hope for an early discharge continued as evidenced in a letter written on October 16, 1863.

“They are sending back so many of the drafted men from Washington that they will have a board of examination here, so the head doctor told Brown that they would be here in a few days—I think next week. I think that was the reason why we did not go. My back troubles so I think I shall get clear but do not think too much of it, but hope for the best.”

Despite his hopes of going home, Samuel Huntingdon found himself assigned to the 100th New York Infantry and at Morris Island, South Carolina by the end of the month.

The 100th New York Infantry at Morris Island

Camp of the 100th New York Infantry on Morris Island.
Camp of the 100th New York Infantry on Morris Island.

On October 29, 1863 Samuel Huntingdon wrote to his wife about his current location and the regiment to which he had been assigned.

“We are assigned to the 100th Regiment New York. I think we shall stay here until Charleston is taken. I think it is very healthy here. This regiment has not lost but a very few men by sickness since it came here last spring. We had a very good time in coming here. The vessel rolled some but it did not make [me] sick. We was five days on the water. We are in hearing of the guns at Fort Wagner and they are firing on Sumter night and day all the time.

This island [is] nothing but sand and my feet sink into the sand as it would into snow. The weather is fine here now—like the last of September at home. We went to Hilton Head first and then back here. I can hear the cannon as I write up to the head of the island. Their second examination to be had. If I was a single man, I think I would like the service first rate. But I have a home, wife, and children that [I] cannot forget and would not if I could for they are all in all to me.”

Most of the time Samuel Huntingdon and the 100th New York Infantry faced routine duty on the island, with occasional clashes with Confederate forces, as he described in a letter  written on November 22, 1863.

“Our folks keep firing at the rebs and they fire back sometimes but do not hurt. We was all called out one night and went up to the front but there was no one to hurt us when we got there for the rebs did not come over. I saw the rebs fire a number of shells but they done no hurt. They looked splendid in the night. In the morning we came back to our quarters. We was in Fort Wagner.”

Samuel Huntingdon Misses Home

Unidentified camp at Morris Island taken in 1863.
Unidentified camp at Morris Island taken in 1863.

A common thread through all of Samuel Huntingdon’s letters is how much he wants to return home to his wife and family. Though he did his duty and never entertained any thoughts about running away, he nevertheless wished to return home as soon as he could. He also turned to religion to comfort him that he might soon be reunited with his family.

On February 7, 1864 Samuel Huntingdon shared with his wife that he often dreamed about going home to be with them.

“I dreamed of being at home and seeing you, It was not on a furlough either. I often dream of being North and seeing you. I dreamed of getting my box last night but it was a dream. But do not worry about it, dear one. It will come in a good time for I only had two left. I sent one letter to you without a stamp. I send all of them to George without stamps. I shall keep them for you for they can pay the postage, I think, on without whining. I know them well enough for that. I shan’t pay them out for anything if I can help it. I don’t think we shall get our pay till the last of March but can’t tell. We can’t tell anything as we hear it from the North or from our homes. Let us take all things for the best and trust in God for He alone can deliver us from this trouble.

Dear one, then let us not give up never, but try to serve Him in all things though the times may seem dark, yet there is a fair day after a storm.”

Samuel Huntingdon also spent some of his free time making gifts for his wife and children. He wrote that he made each of them rings out of coconut shells and would be sending them along.

“I have made each of you a ring out of coconut shell and I will send them to you in this letter. You can divide them to suit your fingers if you can. I don’t know as you can wear them. If you can’t, you can keep them till you can, They are pretty tuff stuff and hard. I may send you something else some time but could not think of anything else now. The largest one I made for you, dear Libby, & I have worn it some on my little finger on my right hand. I thought it would be right for one of your fingers.”

In Samuel Huntingdon’s final letter  in our collection, written on March 3, 1864, he lamented that he didn’t realized how blessed his life was before he was drafted into service.

“When I was at home, I did not realize the blessings that I enjoyed. There is no children here to while away an hour with or a dear companion to talk to, but all is for war—for one man to kill his fellow man in order to gratify a few. But it seems as though it was most played out and I hope it is from the bottom of my heart.”

Sadly, Samuel Huntingdon was never able to return home. He was captured at the Battle of Drewry’s Bluff, Virginia on May 16, 1864. He died of chronic diarrhea at the parole camp in Annapolis, Maryland on December 21, 1864.

We’d like to thank William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Samuel Huntingdon’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Amasa Hammond of the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery and Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 38: Amasa Hammond 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Amasa Hammond was born in Rhode Island in 1846. At the age of 16, he enlisted in the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery as private in Company K. Because of his youth, Amasa Hammond wrote letters with a more forthright and plainspoken nature than many of the other letters we’ve previously featured in our spotlights. The letters in this collection were all written to Amasa Hammond’s friend, James Coman, which is another reason for the tone of the letters. Amasa Hammond’s letters also illustrate the sometimes difficult relations between soldiers fighting in the war and those left at home hundreds of miles away.

The Battle of Secessionville

Illustration of the Battle of Secessionville showing a bayonet charge of Union troops. Originally appeared in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper dated 12 July 1862 via Wikimedia Commons.
Illustration of the Battle of Secessionville showing a bayonet charge of Union troops. Originally appeared in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper dated 12 July 1862 via Wikimedia Commons.

Amasa Hammond wrote his first letter in this collection on June 18, 1862, shortly after the Battle of Secessionville (also sometimes called the first battle of James Island). At the time Amasa Hammond was sharing a tent with Edward Steere, Henry M. Smith, and some others. Partway through his letter, Amasa was interrupted by Edward Steere who wanted to add some of his own words as well. The second sentence in the quote below was started by Amasa Hammond and then finished by Edward Steere (italics). Some of Edward Steere’s additional comments unrelated to the battle have been removed and the description concludes with Amasa Hammond’s words again.

“I now take my pen to let you know that I am well after returning from the battlefield [of Secessionville] and so did all the rest of the boys. […] It was a horrible sight to see so many young fellows with their legs mangled in every form….

…So now I will finish. Edward came in just as I was writing about the wounded. Some had their hands off, some had their arms off, some with their head shot half off. Lieutenant [Isaac M.] Potter was wounded in the hand. We could not take the place because we didn’t have men enough but we have sent for twenty-five thousand men and a siege train and then we are going to try them again.”

In fact, there was no second attempt at taking Charleston by land, but there was still fighting ahead for the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery. In August, 1862, Amasa Hammond’s thoughts on the war had already turned grim though he still believed the Union would prevail.

“There ain’t much sight of settling this rebellion. The secesh is tough and hang like bulldogs but General Burnside will come at them when they don’t think of it and [k]nock them in a cock[ed] hat.”

Trouble at Home for Amasa Hammond

A frequent topic in the letters Amasa Hammond wrote is the strained relationship between him and his father. He was especially leery of a woman named “Paige” whom his father was spending a great deal of time with. It seems likely that his parents were either divorced or separated, because he also mentioned writing to his mother once. Paige never appears in a census living with Amasa’s father, William Hammond, so the relationship seems to have ended sometime before 1870.

In a letter written from Hilton Head, South Carolina on October 3, 1862, Amasa Hammond made his feelings about Paige very clear.

“I now take my pen to let you know how I get along. I am well as usual. I have written several times to you and my other friends but I ain’t had a letter from home but once since I received my box. But I don’t care a damn whether they write or not. I have got a place to send my money and it will be safe. But when folks can’t send me so much as a paper or a box, I don’t care a damn. I know what makes the things so unpleasant — ’tis that long legged Paige. James, I am plain-hearted. I just as like you you would read this letter to her as not and rather you would…

…James I want you to write soon and tell me what that damn gap mouth Paige said to this letter. I want my father to take that money that I sent home and get as drunk as he can before he lets her have any of it.”

A few days later, Amasa Hammond wrote again, revealing that he knew his father was trying to keep his relationship with Paige a secret from him.

“James, I want you to tell me what the reason why my father don’t write. Does he think because I am ten or twelve hundred miles off he thinks that I don’t hear what he is doing. I hear from Rhode Island.”

The Second Battle of Pocotaligo

Photograph of dock built by Federal troops at Hilton Head, South Carolina in 1862. Many of the letters Amasa Hammond wrote were datelined from Hilton Head via Library of Congress.
Photograph of dock built by Federal troops at Hilton Head, South Carolina in 1862. Many of the letters Amasa Hammond wrote were datelined from Hilton Head via Library of Congress.

In October, 1862, Amasa Hammond and the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery encountered another hard fight at the Second Battle of Pocotaligo. The Union army had hoped to further isolate Charleston, South Carolina by cutting off Charleston and Savannah Railroad, but Confederate forces managed to hold them off and they were forced to withdraw. Amasa Hammond described it as the second fight his company (K) took part in.

“It seems that you heard that we had a fight and you didn’t hear no lie. I saw the fighting but didn’t get in to it. Just as we got on the battlefield, the rebels got reinforced so fast that we had to retreat under the fire of the gunboats. It was the hardest sight that ever I saw except [at] James Island. The dead and wounded laid along for eight miles. We gathered up what we could of the wounded and carried them on board the boats and sent them to Hilton Head Hospital. That was the second fight for Co. K to be at.”

One of Amasa Hammond’s tentmates, Henry M. Smith wrote a letter at about the same time as Amasa. In it he asked their mutual friend, Jim, “What do the folks think about this damn shittin’ war around there? I think it is about played out. I wish I was at home.”

Amasa Hammond served in the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery until he mustered out at the end of the war on July 20, 1865. Several letters written by Edward N. Steere are also available at the Research Arsenal. You can read all of these letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents with a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Richard Weld of the 44th Massachusetts Infantry and David McGowan of the 47th Illinois Infantry.

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