Author: Gloria Wickman

Research Arsenal Spotlight 31: Charles Miller 140th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Miller was born in 1843 to Ransom Randolph Miller and Francis “Fanny” Maria (Warner) Miller of Gates, New York. In August, 1862, he enlisted in Company D of the 140th New York Infantry, giving his age as 20 instead of 19.

In his collection of 34 letters home on the Research Arsenal, Charles Miller recounts his participation in many battles as well as daily camp life. The letters span nearly his entire length of service, from September, 1862 to April, 1865.

Charles Miller and the Battle of Fredericksburg

"The stone-wall" at foot of Marye's Heights held by Cobb's Brigade, C.S.A., Dec. 13, 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg.
“The stone-wall” at foot of Marye’s Heights held by Cobb’s Brigade, C.S.A., Dec. 13, 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg.

After several months guarding Washington, D.C., the 140th New York Infantry saw heavy fighting at the Battle of Fredericksburg, in December, 1862. Charles Miller wrote about his experiences in letter to his parents written on December 22, 1862.

“ As I have little time, I will try and tell you a little of the fight at Fredericksburg.

Thursday the 11th, we left for the march about 4 o’clock in the morning. We traveled nearly 4 miles when we were halted to wait for orders. We had not stopped long before we had to move on so then went on till about one mile from the city where we again stopped at the foot of a hill so that the rebels could not see us. When we got there, our batteries had opened fire upon the city and before long they had it in flames. We lay there nearly two days. At night I went to look at the desolated city as it was in flames. It was a splendid sight to behold.

Saturday morning [13 December] we are still here but it is pretty foggy and the batteries are still. About noon they opened fire from both sides at a horrible rate but our batteries soon silenced their guns as they could not throw their shells over to our batteries. Along in the afternoon, our infantry opened a tremendous fire upon the rebel’s entrenchments. We were then called into line for to cross the river. We left at 4 o’clock and just as we were approaching the pontoon bridge, a shell from one of the rebel batteries burst right in front of our company. It made the boys dodge, I tell you. At last we got across and we marched up one of the streets [and] out on the field of battle with the shells and bullets a flying over our heads.

We were at last ordered to lay down on our arms to be ready at a moment’s warning. We had not been there long when the firing ceased on both sides and we stayed there till next morning when we were ordered back to the city where we stayed two days. The next day I went to look on the field of battle but they did not let us go out of the yard as the rebel sharpshooters would pick our men off as we lay about 200 yards from the field. I could see the dead lying all over the field. I then went into some of the houses and of all the scenes to behold, was in that city. There was not one house in the city, I think, that did not have a cannon ball through it.

At last we were ordered back on the other side of the river in the night. It was raining and it was very muggy. At last we got across and stayed till the next day when we went back to our old camp where we are still. How long we will remain here, I cannot tell.”

Soon after the Battle of Fredericksburg, Charles Miller ran afoul of military law when he was accused of straggling during the Mud March of January, 1863.

The Court Martial of Charles Miller

In a letter written on February 24, 1863, Charles Miller informed his parents that he was still under guard since being apprehended, and told them the course of events that led him to be charged with both straggling and cowardice.

“They still have us under guard in a large tent but we can go anywhere in the regiment but have to have a guard to go with us most of the time. They court-martialed us on the 12th but we have not got our sentences yet but probably will on the next dress parade. They had the charges against us desertion and cowardice but we are not guilty of them charges and so we plead not guilty on them charges but we plead guilty on straggling so we do not know what they will make out of it. But I suppose that you know that they can do as they please or take a notion.

You wanted to know how it happened and all the particulars. I will tell you. On the second march it happened. We left or rather the regiment noon and they had not gone over three or four miles when we stopped in the woods for the night and during the night it commenced raining very hard and continued until nearly night the next day. Early in the morning of the first day the bugle was blown for to fall in and be ready to march at any moment. At last we started on the second day’s march—the mud about one foot deep and besides, in the clay, it would stick to shoes so that it was all that we could do to get along. But we made out to get about three miles and then I had to fall out where we waited for a few moments and then started for a house which we found. We then went into it and stayed nearly two hours. we made some coffee while we was there and after a little while we started off but could not find the direction that the regiment had gone in and so we got lost and that night we lay in the woods and in the morning of the next day we started off again and about noon the cavalry scouts picked us up and took us to their headquarters and kept us two days and then took us to our general’s headquarters where they kept us ten days and then brought us back to our regiment and put us under guard where we are still. I have told you as near as I can about it and I hope that you will not feel bad over it as I could not help it but I hope that it has learned me a lesson that I never will forget.”

The charge of cowardice was dropped, but even in March, the situation was unresolved. Charles Miller wrote another letter home on March 18, 1863 where he revealed, that he had undergone another court martial. “The 13th they gave me another court martial but I think that they cannot make nothing out of it no more than they did before as it did not amount to much.”

Eventually Charles Miller was found guilty of straggling and as punishment was put to work in various locations including Aquia Landing and the Old Capital Prison in Washington, D.C. He seems to have borne the punishment well, and wrote  home to his friends about his current duties on May 10, 1863.

“ We are still at Fort No. 2 at work on the boat for our army to retreat on if they should have to retreat from the place. We are still under the same captain of the First Maryland Battery. He is a very fine officer. I suppose that you have heard of the seven days fighting at Fredericksburg and how the cavalry made some very great dashes in the rebel lines. During the fight there was some of the terrible firing of artillery and siege guns that I ever heard. There was one day that we was awaken about half past three to be ready at five o’clock to go to Brooks Station to put up tents for the wounded soldiers which was done with willing hearts. We waited all day there and coming home to our place at night we could see the flash of the heavy guns on the hills at the city.

Along in the afternoon as we was at work, the train came in with a load of wounded—some of them shot in the hand and legs and with their arms broken and some of them shot through the top of the head.”

Less than a week later, on May 16, 1863, Charles wrote home with good news. He had managed to get his sentence commuted and would return to fight with the 140th New York Infantry.

“I suppose you was a little surprised to hear I had been released. Probably you had rather had me remain where I was for the remainder of my time. As for my part, I could not see it in that light. To be sure, there was no danger of my being shot, but the idea of having a dis[honorable] at the expiration of my term of enlistment was what I dislike and which if I obtained I never would have shown myself within the limits of Monroe County. There is no person that can say I am a coward and am afraid to enter a battle. If there is, I want nothing to with that person in anyway if ever I return to my home. If I was a coward, I never would [have] tried as hard as I did to be returned to my command. I not only wrote to the Colonel but to the War Department and had Mr. Wood, the Superintendent of Military Prisoners, to try and do what he could for me. And I must own that it was partly by his influence that I had my sentence commuted.”

Petersburg, Globe Tavern, and Ream’s Station

A bombproof shelter for the soldiers during the siege of Petersburg, August 10, 1864
A bombproof shelter for the soldiers during the siege of Petersburg, August 10, 1864

After returning to the 140th New York Infantry, Charles Miller fought at numerous engagements, including at Petersburg in June and July, 1864. One June 28, 1864 he wrote a letter  to his parents datelined from the “Line of Battle before Petersburg, Va.”

“The weather is very pleasant today, it being cooler than for some time past. Last night it rained a little—not enough to make it muddy here as the land is very sandy & the surface will not hold water long. The pickets will keep up a continual fire—also the artillery at intervals. Sometimes they have a duel which lasts probably an half hour & then all is quiet. Last night the mortars were throwing shells all night, some of them bursting high in the air, making a beautiful sight to look upon. We expect to be attacked every evening but they have not up to now. The boys are all in good spirits and ready to meet the enemy at any moment. I rather think we can give them a good trial.”

On July 9, 1864 he wrote again about the fighting around Petersburg.

“Yesterday the artillery kept up a continual fire along our part of the line only at intervals when all would be silent. Between the hours of 4 and five last evening the artillery opened with a rapid fire on both sides. Also there was heavy musketry at the right. As far as I can learn, the Rebels tried to stop some of our forces that were detailed to work throwing up a fort which when finished has a good range of the country for some miles around. They did not succeed in capturing the fort for they were driven back in rather double quick time.

Our line of works are impregnable—also that of the enemy’s. We have a palisade nearly the whole line as well as telegraph wire. The artillery continued their fire at intervals today up to now. Our line advances at some points. The other night was to straighten it a little. The night of the 7th they kept up a continual fire all the night through making it impossible to sleep much.”

On August 26, 1864, Charles Miller wrote home from the “Line of Battle near Ream’s Station,” apprising them of the recent fighting the 140th New York Infantry had been in.

“Our Corps broke camp on the morning of the 18th, it being very pleasant, but after a few hours march, we began to feel the heat of the sun & before reaching the railroad a large number were sun struck. I did not feel very well on arriving there as the sun had such an effect on my head. We took position on the road with but little skirmishing in the forenoon. Immediately after arriving there the First Division commenced their work of destruction by tearing the track up and down & afterwards knocking the ties from off the T. rail & piling them up and putting the soil across the ties, set fire to them, when they became hot enough the heat would bend them nearly double. The Second Division & others forming a line of battle to meet any opposition the enemy might make. Everything went along finely until about noon when a large body of the enemy could be distinctly be seen moving toward us & putting a battery into position. They opened up on workmen with solid shot & shell. But a few well directed shots from our battery knocked them out of position. The Second Division forming on the right of the railroad advanced through a piece of woods where they met the enemy, driving them back. But the Rebels, forming another line, advanced on our right & completely flanking our regiment. We had nothing on our right, being some distance in advance here. We was compelled to retreat or lose all in prisoners.

The boys, however, managed to get through the woods & forming another line was ready to meet the Johnnies, but they did not attack us that night. We held the battleground all that night & a part of the next day. Our loss was very light in the 18th.

On the morning of the 19th we commenced to make our works stronger and part of the works being right on the railroad for our company facing Petersburg between 3 & 4 o’clock in the afternoon. The enemy, throwing a strong force on our right, broke our line and completely flanked us, driving us [illegible]… of the other boys when to my great surprise on looking to the right where the [ ] had his quarters during the day. I seen the Rebel’s colors flying & the first thing I knew a Reb came up with fixed bayonet right on the opposite side of the track [illegible] me prisoner a few moments but [illegible] a chance to escape took to my heals as fast as possible [illegible]. I expect to ever have the privilege of writing to you again on that day when the shells were flying over my head as I was retreating. We fell back & formed a strong line & again advanced & drove the enemy back to their lines. Here we again held the battleground. Our loss was very light in killed and wounded but we lost a large number of prisoners by their flanking us. During all this time it was raining quite hard. I lost the regiment in this excitement & could not find them until the next day.

The 20th we was to work throwing up breastworks all day. At night the order came to close them down and fall back part way across an open field where we again established another line of works. On the morning of the 21st it was my turn to go out on the skirmish line. The order was to advance & draw the enemy from their works if possible. After a little brisk skirmishing, the enemy advanced in a strong line of battle driving us into our works. The ball then opened [illegible] on the left of the railroad, the Johnnies thought they had attacked us on the extreme left but to their great surprise found our line extended a great deal farther than they had any idea of.

G. Warren had marked his batteries at this point & when the enemy had advanced to within a few hundred yards of the pieces they opened upon them with canister, spreading destruction in their ranks. They could withstand the terrible fire no longer. Showing signs of surrender, the batteries was ordered to cease firing which was done. Here we captured a large number of prisoners. This ended the conflict for the day, all but the [illegible] which kept up a continual fire all the afternoon.

Yesterday the enemy as far as I can learn attacked Hancock on our left. They charged three times & were badly defeated with heavy loss. Our Corps held itself in readiness for an attack at any point the enemy should attempt to break through.”

Charles Miller continued to serve in the 140th New York Infantry through the end of the war. He mustered out with his company on June 3, 1865. He was twice married. First, to Harriet A. Hart (1851-1922) and second to Salina Mae Hinton (1858-1921.) Charles Miller died in 1912.

To read more of Charles Miller’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these letters.

To read more about some of our many featured collections, check out the articles on Cornelius Van Houten of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery  and Albert Jenkins Barnard of the 116th New York Infantry.

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 30: Cornelius Van Houten 1st New Jersey Light Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Cornelius Van Houten was born in 1841 to Ruliff “Ralph” Van Houten and Catherine (Van Wagoner) Van Houten of Pompton Plains, New Jersey. Before the war he had campaigned for Abraham Lincoln, and in September, 1861, he enlisted in Battery B of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery.

In the early months of his service, Cornelius Van Houten’s duties were most concerned with drilling. Each man had to learn very specific duties in order to load and fire the artillery pieces correctly and efficiently. Still, by November, 1861, he felt he was getting the hang of things and wrote to his mother in a letter dated November 8, 1861.

“This is the first opportunity I have had for writing to you. You must forgive me. We have been so busy getting our guns, horses, and everything, but now we have everything ready for action. We are drilling our best but don’t drill so very hard. We only have to drill three hours a day. It was a great deal harder work to get ready.”

Cornelius Van Houten and the Potomac

A Battery at Chain Bridge, Washington, DC, overlooking the Potomac River.
A Battery at Chain Bridge, Washington, DC, overlooking the Potomac River.

In a letter dated November 24, 1861, Cornelius Van Houten wrote home about his impressions of the Potomac River, which his father had evidently requested a description of.

“You wanted me to tell you how the Potomac is. I cannot say much about it for I have not seen much of it. But what I have seen of it, it is on one side very smooth and level. That is on the side next to Washington. And on the other [side] it is rocky and very broken. The river is not very deep but it is a wide one. The water is very muddy and so is all the little creeks and brooks. The water is very much tainted with lime. When I first drank it, it tasted very bad and gave me the dysentery pretty bad. But I soon got used to it. I don’t mind it at all now. It tastes as good as any other.”

Bad water and dysentery were common themes throughout Cornelius Van Houten’s service due to the frequently poor conditions of life in the field. In October, 1862, he was hospitalized in Newport News, Virginia, but hoped to return to his battery soon.

“Dr. J.G. Ryerson says I must not go yet for he thinks I am hardly fit for duty yet. But if I stay here much longer, the boys in the Battery will call me a “Dead beat”—a term very often used by our soldiers if anyone plays off so I intend to return as soon as possible. He thinks that if I would stay here a couple of weeks longer, I could get to go north but the chances are so slim I hardly think I will make it out, and if I should stay and not get home, I should miss this great battle which is about to take place. That you would not like to see me lying here idle while the rest of my countrymen are fighting hard and winning glory, honor and fame. I came here to fight and not to be in the hospital and since I have been out here, I have learned to bear trials and disappointments and I think if ever I return once more to duty, you will never hear of anymore complaints.”

New Recruits in the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery

By early February, 1864, the Battery B of the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery had taken on quite a number of new recruits. For the men like Cornelius Van Houten who had already served two and half years, these new men proved to be source of both pity and amusement. In a letter written on February 1, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten told his father about the recent death of a new recruit, brought on by indulging in too much whiskey from the sutler.

“There has been three deaths since I left here and once since. They are all new recruits. Most of them die by overloading their stomachs with army food. One, I believe, died from the effects of drinking too much sutler’s whiskey. It is nothing but poison. I wouldn’t touch one drop of it for fear it would kill me.”

After spending most of the time in winter quarters with actual bunks, the new recruits had to adjust to sleeping out in the field. On March 3, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten wrote  about a five day reconnaissance some of the men of his battery went on, and the difficult time the new recruits had.

“The second night we were out it rained and it was very muddy. We had to build large fires and make beds of rails which did not sleep very comfortable—especially for the new men. We done well enough though. But the third night we were out it rained and snowed both and we all got wet through. It made a very bad time. But Clark’s Battery is never discouraged. We made a very large fire and sat around it all night singing and making all the fun imaginable of the new recruits who went around shivering and cursing everything and everybody. They thought it a pretty severe initiation but we are all now back to camp and I don’t know as there is any bones broke—at least there is none in our division unless it is some chicken bones that we captured while we were out.”

Spotsylvania Court House and The Wilderness

View on the Battlefield of Spotsylvania Court House taken on May 12, 1864. Cornelius Van Houten and the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery fought at this battle.
View on the Battlefield of Spotsylvania Court House taken on May 12, 1864.

In May, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten and the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery embarked at what Cornelius felt was the hardest campaign of the war so far. Battery B fought at the battles of the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and Spotsylvania Court House. The intense fighting left little time for letter writing, and so on May 16, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten wrote  home to catch them up on the news.

“We have been fighting from the fourth [of May]. Our Battery has not been engaged all the time but the army has. We have been marched and countermarched and with little or nothing to eat so long that we are all played out. There has not been much fighting today so we can have a little rest and get some grub.

Our army has lost heavily in killed and wounded but we are victorious. Thank God we have a commander that knows how to use the johnnies up. I do not know whether the news is true or not but we have heard some very favorable news. There is no use of me telling you the news for you know better than I do. All I can tell you is myself and the boys thank God I am safe and sound yet. But God only knows how long I may be so. Only one of our boys is wounded. That is Peter Van Dyne [Vandine]. He was wounded in the arm on the 10th. They say he has gone to the Newark Hospital. You must look for him when you go down.

All the rest of us are well and ready to go wherever General Grant may want us. We are either going to erase the Rebels from Virginia or we are going to get whipped but I believe Grant will lose his whole army before he will let General Lee whip him. This is the hardest campaign we have ever been in and I hope it may be the last. We have fought hard enough already to have peace but the Rebels are a stubborn set of men. They will not give up till they are all killed or taken prisoners and I hope that may be pretty soon. After this summer, I don’t think there will be much left of the Army of the Potomac. We have had reinforcement to a good extent. I do not know how many. We have full confidence in our general for he is a praying man and God will prosper those who look to him for assistance.”

The Peter Vandine that was wounded at the battle was discharged on September 14, 1864. As the 1st New Jersey Light Artillery continued fighting in 1864 tension emerged between the men like Cornelius Van Houten who decided to reenlist and those that planned on mustering out at the expiration of their term. In a letter written from Petersburg on June 19, 1864, Cornelius Van Houten detailed the rift that had formed.

“We have had some very hard fighting since we started and some hard marches but nobody complains—only those who expect to go home soon. There is about sixty men left now of the old men who expect to go home and they are all the time complaining about everything. Most of them that did not reenlist have Copperhead fathers and they will swear and curse everybody and anything that has anything to do with the war. They are all them damning us that reenlisted. I had a quarrel with one of them last night. He and another one was blowing that this Battery would be a great thing after they went home as if they were the only good men in it. It made me fighting mad right away. And said there would be nothing but bounty jumpers and cowards left and the very same man I have known to run more than once, and he has to be forced up to the front now, and I have always been to the front. He backed down though or I would have soon seen who was the biggest coward. But he would not give me the chance. I would think of settling with those cowards at home but I don’t wish to do such dirty work. I want something more noble than to whip a coward. They are not worthy of the notice of an old soldier and this one will not notice them either as long as they stay away from me.”

By August, he had a kinder tone, though Cornelius Van Houten did not think the men departing would receive the welcome they were hoping for.

“ I hope we will not have any more fighting till the boys goes home. I should hate very much to see any of them get killed now when their time is so near out and after surviving three years faithfully. They are all making great preparations and it is laughable to hear them tell what they will do when they get home for I know just how much they will do. They will not realize half the pleasure they expect to for most of their old acquaintances will be either dead in the army or married. I know by experience all about it. They will find things so much changed that they will be either back in the army or in the Alms House before they are aware of it. I do not wish to see one of them back in this service for it is going beyond endurance.”

Cornelius Van Houten continued to serve with his regiment until the end of the war. In a letter written on April 19, 1865, he wrote about his happiness over the end of the war and his pride in being part of the Army of the Potomac.

“Yesterday we received an official dispatch of Johnson’s surrender on the same terms as Lee. Yes, I say your boys helped put it down an it is the proudest part of our lives. I have never been sorry that I came down here and now I would not part with the knowledge of what I have seen for the best farm in the country for it will be an honor to anyone to say they belonged to the Army of the Potomac.”

Cornelius Van Houten was discharged on June 16, 1865. He returned home to his wife and family in Pompton Plains and died on May 4, 1916.

To read more of Cornelius Van Houten’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Albert Jenkins Barnard of the 116th New York Infantry and Jacob Claar of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry.

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 29: Albert Jenkins Barnard 116th New York Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Albert Jenkins Barnard was born in 1841 to Albert Barnard and Elizabeth Atwater (Jenkins) Barnard of Buffalo, New York. His father died in 1849, and he had one brother, Lewis, who he mentions frequently in his letters.

On August 13, 1862, Albert Jenkins Barnard enlisted in the 116th New York Infantry as was mustered in as captain of company B.

Albert Jenkins Barnard and the Lieutenants of Company B

Photo of a young Albert Jenkins Barnard.
Photo of a young Albert Jenkins Barnard via Findagrave.com

After taking command of his company, Albert Jenkins Barnard found himself dissatisfied with both lieutenants under his command. The first hint of trouble showed in a letter  he wrote to his brother, Lewis, advising him not to enlist unless he could be an officer.

“I don’t think much of my lieutenants and think they will soon be ousted. Let me say here, don’t enlist as a private on any account. Do not accept any position lower than Orderly [Sergeant]. Camp duty is mighty hard, although we have some nice times. You ought not to accept a position lower than 2nd Lieutenant.”

On September 22, 1862, Albert Jenkins Barnard wrote to his mother about the situation, including some positive words about their Colonel, Edward Payson Chapin.

“We all like Col. Chapin very much. He is a much better officer than we supposed. He gives his orders splendidly and handles his men like a veteran. Major Love—he too is a bully officer. We have got a fine regiment and very few poor officers. But they won’t be permitted to stay long. Two of them, I regret to say, are in Co. B. I guess they will both have to leave this week. Willis, the 1st Lt. is a disagreeable fellow. The men don’t like him at all and he can’t learn military. When I returned from Baltimore Saturday, he was drilling the company. As soon as they saw me, they gave me three cheers. Corbett (the 2nd Lt.) is a very clever, good sort of a countryman, but he can’t drill and never can learn. I feel very sorry for him. The Colonel says I shall have John Dobbins just as soon as he can arrange matters.”

In October, 1862, things came to a head and both First Lieutenant Leander Willis and Second Lieutenant Daniel Corbett were replaced. In the case of Leander Willis, he faced rather serious accusations which forced his resignation, as Albert Jenkins Barnard detailed in a letter written on October 4, 1862.

“I have really been very busy of late; more so the last week on account of having no Lieutenants. Yes, Corbitt (my 2nd) resigned last Monday. Col. Chapin advised it as it was clear enough to us all that he could never make an officer, that the men wouldn’t have any confidence in. Willis is a scamp, and had his choice to resign or be disgraced. About three weeks ago he borrowed my muster roll and carried it to Washington where, through a sharper, he laid claims against the government for about one thousand dollars. He claimed that he had spent about that much for board for the men, from the time they went to Camp Morgan to live; which is all a humbug. The boys are all from the country and lived at home till they went to camp. When Mr. Willis returned from Washington the Colonel sent for him and told him that he knew all about his performances, and that his resignation would be accepted, and the soon he sent it in the better. So in it went and out he went. They, the Lieutenants, are still in camp. Corbitt will probably be appointed postmaster or something else but Willis will have to skedaddle.”

The “Little Captain”

After sorting out his junior officers, the next task that consumed Albert Jenkins Barnard was making sense of the expenses that occurred while the company was first being formed. On the first muster roll of the 116th New York Infantry, the captain of company B was given as Joseph E. Ewell, however he seems to have left shortly after the regiment was formed and Albert Jenkins Barnard had his suspicions that Ewell never seriously intended to stay on as captain.

“A captain is responsible for all company property; we all have to take receipts from the men for everything that they draw. The receipts for this company were given to the Quarter Master so all I have to go by is the word of the men. However, I have got the men to sign the clothing book as I am all sound there. I expect to be out something but cannot tell how much. Most of the captains are out from forty to sixty dollars worth but mine won’t be near that. I think if Capt. Ewell had really intended going with his company, he would not have let things run at odds and ends as they did. This I found out after I got here and have had to straighten out myself. He did not take a single receipt that he delivered. Now don’t let this bother you for I am all right now and am much better off than most of the captains.”

Albert Jenkins Barnard was also concerned with making sure his men drilled well and maintained a clean appearance. Despite his strict nature when it came to discipline, he also managed to acquire the nickname “the little captain,” which the men all found very amusing. He detailed the story as well as his duties to his mother in a letter  written October 26, 1862.

“John Dobbins and I still run the company alone as my first lieutenant has not arrived yet though I expect him every day now and we run it “bull,” as you may know from what the Colonel told Dr. [C. B.] Hutchins the other day after dress parade. He said, “Co. B is the best in my regiment” and the “little captain is a brick.” I am known here as the little captain and now I will tell you why. While I was messing with Lt. Jones and others one day, I was late to dinner and Jones told his servant—a little Dutch boy—to run and tell Capt. Barnard that dinner was getting cold. He stopped a minute and then said, “de cline capting?” which is, if pronounced as spelled here, the little captain. The boys all think it is a good joke and so that is my name. But nevertheless, my company can beat all others in the regiment in drill and appearance; on drill and dress parade. I punish all who appear without clean brasses and bright shoes by putting them on guard. At first I had a great many, but now scarcely ever have one.”

The 116th New York Infantry at Ship Island

Illustration of Ship Island from January 4, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly.
Illustration of Ship Island from January 4, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly via Wikimedia Commons.

In December, 1862, the 116th New York Infantry set out for Ship Island, Mississippi. The voyage was long and stormy, and Albert Jenkins Barnard wrote a detailed account of it in a letter to his mother on December 14, 1862.

“After ten days sail, we find ourselves at Ship Island and ordered to New Orleans. On Thursday the 4th, we pulled up our anchor and started out to sea. When off Cape Henry (1 p.m.), we stopped till the rest of the fleet came out which was about 9 in the evening. We then all started together in two lines, seven ships in each line—the Baltic leading one, and we the other.

We kept together till the following noon when the wind commenced blowing and three dropped out and ran close to shore. About this time there were a great many sick aboard the ship. The wind kept increasing till midnight and I tell you what, it was a grand sight. The moon shone bright and the waves somewhat high. It was impossible to stand anywhere without holding on to something. From the deck, it looked as if ever time our bow went down that it was going under, but when the wave came she would rise again and part it and send the spray all over the ship. And once in awhile, a wave would roll clear over the paddle boxes. Perhaps you will have some idea of the force of the wind when I saw that it would take the tops off the waves and blow the water as it does the dust from the dirt piles in our streets.”

On December 21, 1862, Albert Jenkins Barnard wrote another letter, this time detailing the island itself.

“We get along very nicely although this is such a sandy, wild place. There is nothing but sand for four miles. Then there is a swamp that reaches nearly from shore to shore and in the swamp Alligators and a species of palm tree. Further on is a sort of prairie covered with tall rushes which are so long that they will reach a man’s knees when riding on horseback. About six miles from here is a beautiful little lake in which are plenty of fish and lots of ducks. We are having a better time here than I supposed we would. We have been living on oranges and oysters since we came here.”

While on Ship Island, the 116th New York Infantry celebrated Christmas in a rather unique way by having senior officers and the non-commissioned officers and privates change roles for the day. Albert Jenkins wrote about the day in a letter written on January 2, 1863 after the regiment had moved to Greenville, Louisiana.

“Christmas Day the command was turned over the non-commissioned officers and privates. Christmas Eve the companies held their elections for Captain &c. and then the officers so chosen deleted the field officers. Sergt. John Rohan of Co. D was the Colonel, a boy from Co. A the Lt. Colonel, and one of the color corporals was Major. These officers were to do the best they could and they did first rate. Went through with guard mounting and dress parade without making a mistake.

John Higgins was detailed as corporal of the first relief and I corporal of the 3rd. Most of the others had to stand guard. Some of the men would run the guard and then the officer in command would send me with a guard to arrest them. They kept us running, I tell you. They had most of the officers in the guard house. It was a very warm day. Those not on duty were around without their coats.”

Albert Jenkins Barnard was discharged on July 29, 1863 after being promoted to lieutenant colonel but never being mustered as such. After the war he married Clara Sizer, who was the sister of William Sizer who was frequently mentioned in his letters. Albert Jenkins Barnard died on January 10, 1916 at the age of 74.

To read the full collection of letters by Albert Jenkins Barnard and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Jacob Claar of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry and William Fish of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry.

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 28: Jacob Claar 138th Pennsylvania Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Jacob Claar was born June 19, 1865 to Simon Walter Claar and Rachel Alice (Croyle) Claar. His father, Simon, died in 1849 leaving Rachel with 8 children to care for. In 1859, Jacab Claar married his cousin, Christina Claar, and they had two sons together, Austin and Samuel. Jacob Claar enlisted as a private in Company E of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry on August 29, 1862.

The 20 letters in the Research Arsenal collection are all addressed to Christina Claar. Many of the letters also contain short greetings to “Fiddler” which was a nickname for Christina Claar’s father, Joseph Claar.

Jacob Claar at Camp Relay, Maryland

1858 Engraving of the Thomas Viaduct from The United State Illustrated, edited by Charles Dana.
1858 Engraving of the Thomas Viaduct from The United States Illustrated, edited by Charles Dana via Wikimedia Commons.

The earliest letters in the collection were written by Jacob Claar while the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry was stationed at Camp Relay, Maryland, and the regiment was tasked with guarding the nearby railroad.

In a letter  written September 25, 1862, Jacob Claar told his wife, “I will do nothing but drill a little and keep my gun clean.” He went on to describe the place he was currently situated:

“We are on a high place, We can see a great ways. We can see [the Fort] Dix Battery. I was at their place. I suppose there will be a battle. The rebels want to break the railroad bridge. Our men have six cannons planted on the battery.”

The railroad bridge referred to was the Thomas Viaduct, built between 1833 and 1835, which was at one time the longest railroad bridge in the United States. It spans the Patapsco River and is still in service to this day.

As the seasons moved toward winter, Jacob Claar and the men of the 138th Pennsylvania had to deal with unforgiving weather. On October 8, 1862 he wrote, “Yesterday was a very rough day. The snow was seven inches deep—the worst day we had here yet.”

On October 14, 1862, Jacob Claar wrote a bit more about their duties guarding the railroad.

“We are guarding the railroad twenty-six miles from Washington City. I will inform you that we have as much bread and crackers and bacon as would fatten a small pig. The first one stands till midnight and the other three o’clock, the third till daylight, and in day time we lay in our tents and take our ease.”

The 138th Pennsylvania Infantry in 1863

The 138th Pennsylvania Infantry remained station at Relay House, Maryland, guarding the train until June, 1863. Before they left, Jacob Claar wrote about an incident of theft in the regiment in a letter dated June 4, 1863.

“I will inform you that William Helzel stole fifty dollars in money off our captain and he run away and they followed him to Baltimore and they caught him and he gave up the money and they brought [him] back to camp & suppose he must serve his time on the rip raps.”

On August 4, 1863, Jacob Claar wrote a letter about the regiment’s recent engagement at Manassas Gap, Virginia.

“I will inform you that we had a very hard march since the 16th of June. We have been almost everywhere since that time. Our Corps was in a little fight in the Manassas Gap. I seen shooting for several hours and the Rebs retreated and our troops followed them up. We were within three hundred yards of their cannonading. We had no cannons there. Our troops charged their battery and they run like forty. There was only a blue streak of them left. I will inform you that I heard the shells whistle in the air & saw thousands of Rebel prisoners since we are down here.

On the first of his month, there was a fight at Culpeper Court House with Stewart’s Cavalry. The whipped the Rebs complete. The Union troops got into them with artillery, infantry and cavalry. They knocked them higher than a kite.”

Jacob Claar also talked about his belief that the Union army would soon take Fort Wagner in South Carolina.

“I think that Fort Wagner and Sumter, [and] Charleston will soon fall. Our troops are within two hundred and fifty yards of Fort Wagner in rifle pits and they will fall some of these days. And when them three points are gone, I would not give a chew of tobacco for the South.”

Though it took a bit longer than Jacob Claar had hoped, the Confederate garrison withdrew from Fort Wagon on the night of September 6-7, 1863.

When Jacob Claar wrote home on December 24, 1863, it wasn’t with news of Christmas festivities but with news from the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry’s participation in the Mine Run campaign.

“We left and got after the Rebs. We chased them across the Rapidan River and sixteen miles to the south side of it. They made a stand at the Mine Run. We whipped them and drove them back to their fortifications. Then we retired to Brandy Station. The loss in our regiment is sixty-two—fifty-four wounded and 8 killed. There was two wounded in our company—David Burket and Henry Speck—both slight wounds. David was wounded in the hand with a buckshot. Speck was wounded in the head. Our Colonel was wounded in the heel. I felt sorry for him. He is a fine man. We all like him. We laid under the fire from half past three till six. It was a hot time. There was more noise than ever I heard before.”

Jacob Claar in 1864

Illustration of the Battle of Cedar Creek made in 1890 and published by Kurz & Allison.
Illustration of the Battle of Cedar Creek made in 1890 and published by Kurz & Allison via Wikimedia Commons.

In January, 1864, Jacob Claar and the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry were encamped near Brandy Station, Virginia. On January 28, 1864, he wrote home about his present circumstances.

“Our regiment is on picket now for three [days] and nights. I stayed in camp this time. Our camp looks nice and clean. The streets [are] swept clean. Today I bought two mackerel. I ate one for supper and the other for breakfast. I got two for a quarter…

…I will inform you that there is four deserters in the Second Division that [are] to be shot tomorrow some time. I had some notion [to] go and see them but I have a shanty to put up for a Lieutenant. I think I would rather work at that than to go see the fellows shot. I saw enough of men shot since I am here. All I ever care about. I would like to come home this winter if I can get a furlough. I will come home too.”

Similar to his words about having seen “enough of men shot,” in a February 18, 1864 letter Jacob Claar informed his wife that he would not be reenlisting at the expiration of his term.

“You wanted to know whether I reenlisted or not. There is no fear of it for I would not reenlist for all their greenbacks. I will try and get out of it. Once will do me, I think.”

On October 19, 1864 the 138th Pennsylvania fought at the Battle of Cedar Creek. Writing on October 21, 1864, Jacob Claar gave Christina Claar an overview of the battle.

“I will inform you that we had a hard battle on the 19th of this month. The Rebels drove the 8th and 19th Corps and the Old Sixth took them in hand and whipped them and drove them and took sixty pieces of artillery, ambulance, and wagons and prisoners. Quite a number. We lost one killed and two wounded in our company.”

At the time the battle was fought, the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry was part of the Sixth Corps which Jacob Claar credited with “whipping” the Confederate forces.

Jacob Claar musted out of the 138th Pennsylvania Infantry on June 23, 1865 at Washington, D.C. After the war he and his wife had two more children, a daughter, Rebecca, and a son, Joseph. Jacob Claar passed away on October 12, 1912 at the age of 77.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Jacob Claar’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections, like William Fish of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry and David Patten of the 35th Illinois Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 27: William Fish 11th New Hampshire Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Fish enlisted in Company C of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry at the age of nineteen. He was the son of John Blaney Fish and Mary Holmes (Barrett) Fish. William Fish enlisted on August 8, 1862. His older brother, John Linzey Fish, was a private in the 1st New Hampshire Light Artillery Battery, having enlisted in September, 1861.

The first letter in our collection was written by William Fish on August 26, 1862 while his regiment was still in Concord, New Hampshire. The space they occupied had recently been vacated by the 9th New Hampshire Infantry which proved to be quite a boon for the men of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry.

“We keep a guard around our camp now. I have to take my turn. The Ninth Regiment left quite a lot of trash behind. We went to work and cleaned out the tent we occupy and most everyone found something. I found a first rate new three-bladed penknife, five cents in change, ink, a bottle of olive oil, and a few other things. One fellow found a dollar bill & Reub Smith found a knife and twenty-six cents. Gil [Smith] found a dirk knife. Quite a number found money. We have first rate living and plenty of it. Ten of us were detailed to go over to the city in the Quartermaster store and hoist up a lot of goods from the lower story to the one above and I had a chance to see our uniforms. It is to be dark blue pants [and] dark overcoats. I understand we are to have no dress coats. I did not see any there.”

William Fish in General Casey’s Division

Image of Major General Silas Casey who commanded the division the 11th New Hampshire Infantry was part of in late 1862.
Image of Major General Silas Casey who commanded the division the 11th New Hampshire Infantry was part of in late 1862.

William Fish and the 11th New Hampshire Infantry were soon sent south to Camp Chase at Alexandria, Virginia. For the most part, William Fish was occupied with drilling throughout the day. On September 25, 1862, he wrote home about a recent review of their regiment by General Silas Casey, the head of their division.

“We have had two division reviews — one day before yesterday. We are in Gen. Casey’s Division. There were as near as I could learn twelve thousand troops reviewed and a number of batteries. It is a grand sight to see the columns as they pass — to see the bayonets glistening and the steady tread of the men.

Gen. Casey is an old man with gray hair and prominent nose. He wears a beard. There are a great many troops in the vicinity. Take it in the night and look off, the camps present the appearance of a city lit up.”

A few days later, the 11th New Hampshire Infantry moved down to Frederick, Maryland, a less than pleasant journey as William Fish recounted in a letter to his sister, Martha, dated October 2, 1862.

“We came through safe and sound although we were packed like cattle on board a freight train — two cars to each company — part of the men being on top. Along in the middle of the [trip], it set in for a storm and then it was a complete jam to lay down — legs mixed up in every direction. We passed a train of 400 paroled prisoners. We couldn’t get much sleep till we arrived here at four this morning where our company piled into an old barn and laid down on the hay.”

William Fish also added that the rumor around camp was that they would soon be marching under General Ambrose Burnside.

“This is rather a pretty place., I should think full as large as Manchester. We expect orders any time to leave. We shall not probably stop over a day or two at the furthest. It is the talk that we are to take the cars to Sandy Hook to go under Gen. Burnside but I do not think of much more to write.”

In this case, the rumor proved to be correct.

11th New Hampshire Infantry at Pleasant Valley, Maryland

William Fish’s next letter was written on October 14, 1862 once the 11th New Hampshire Infantry had arrived at Pleasant Valley, Maryland. He revealed that the regiment was indeed now under the command of General Ambrose Burnside.

“We are brigaded under Brig. Gen. [Edward] Ferrero in Gen. Burnside’s army of the Ninth Army Corps. We will not probably stop here long though we can not tell.”

The camp location proved to be a fruitful one and William Fish revealed that he was good making use of the local flora, saying “I have been writing with ink made from garget berries which are very plenty here.” Garget berries are more commonly known as pokeberry or “inkberry” and are a poisonous berry that can—as the inkberry name suggests—be used to make ink.

William Fish was also located near his brother, John Fish, though when writing this particular letter  he had yet to see him.

“The 9th and 10th [New Hampshire] Regiments are here near us. The centre section under William Chamberlin of the [1st N. H.] Battery were down here last night. They carried two guns to the depot at Sandy Hook and stopped here on their way back. The boys look well. John did not come with them but the boys say he is well.”

Finally, William Fish shared that though there was considerable food growing near the camp, it was risky to try to go after it.

“We have a good chance to wash as a brook runs by the foot of the hill on which we are camped. There is considerable quantities of butternuts, chestnuts, shag barks, and black walnuts though we cannot go far from camp without running the risk of being picked up by the patrol guard and sent to Harpers Ferry to work for twelve days as none of the soldiers are allowed out of the lines of their regiments without they have a pass signed by the Gen. Commanding. This is to pick up stragglers and prevent depredating.”

William Fish at the Siege of Knoxville

View of Knoxville, Tennessee taken from Fort Sanders looking southeast. The University of Tennessee is visible in the background.
View of Knoxville, Tennessee taken from Fort Sanders looking southeast. The University of Tennessee is visible in the background.

William Fish was wounded at the Battle of Fredericksburg on December 13, 1862. His brother, John Fish, was killed on the same day also at the Battle of Fredericksburg. For the period of 1863, part of which time William Fish spent recovering, we do not currently have any letters in our collection, though three are available to view at the New Hampshire Historical Society.

The letters by William Fish resume in the Research Arsenal collection on January 7, 1864, with William Fish writing to his sister after the Siege of Knoxville.

“You must have felt quite anxious concerning me during the time we were besieged in Knoxville by Longstreet. We had no mail communication for three or four weeks and consequently did not write. But now (from all accounts the boot appears to be on the other leg), Grant and Sherman it has said has Longstreet surrounded. I sent you in my last a piece composed by one of the Indiana Battery on Longstreet’s visit to Knoxville. It is represented that he is in a very tight place and cannot get supplies or clothing and his men are deserting in great numbers. Two whole companies came in a day or two ago.”

By this time, William Fish was confident that the war would end soon.

“Fighting is heard out at the front at times. The rebel deserters that come into our lines represent Longstreet’s army as in a terrible condition. They are hard up for shoes, some being barefoot and others in their stocking feet. Our army has been very successful for the past 6 or 8 months and I do not see how the Rebs are going to hold out much longer. The fact is there are whipped if they would only own it.”

On May 6, 1864, William Fish along with two other men from Company C of the 11th New Hampshire Infantry were captured at the Battle of the Wilderness. The men were all sent to Andersonville Prison.

William Fish survived to the end of the war and was released from Andersonville on July 31, 1865. He married Eliza Gage 1869. After Eliza Gage died in 1917, William Fish married Helen L. Ober, who was the widow of John Whipple, a fellow soldier from the 11th New Hampshire Infantry who died at Andersonville.

On August 29, 1936, William Fish died at the age of 93. He was buried at Shawsheen Cemetery in Bedford, Massachusetts.

We’d like to extend a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of William Fish’s letters, as well as a letter by his brother, John, and access thousands of other Civil War documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like David Patten of the 35th Illinois Infantry and David Poak of the 30th Illinois Infantry.

 

 

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 26: David Patten 35th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

David Patten was born in 1838 and lived in Illinois. When war broke out, he enlisted in G.A. Smith’s Independent Regiment, which was later designated as the 35th Illinois Infantry. The regiment was organized by Colonel Gustavus A. Smith in Decatur, Illinois.

David Patten was mustered in as a private in Company B, 35th Illinois Infantry on August 28, 1861. His first letter in our Research Arsenal collection was written on September 13, 1861, when the regiment was still known as Col. G.A. Smith’s Regiment, and was currently stationed at Benton Barracks in St. Louis, Missouri. In it, David Patten reveals that sickness has already taken hold of the regiment, writing, “There is a good many sick here at this time with various diseases.”

In the same letter, David Patten also revealed that the men had yet to receive their uniforms.

“We have not got all our uniforms yet. We have got two shirts and two pairs of socks, one pair of shoes, and two pairs of drawers and cap. I don’t know when we will get the rest.”

David Patten in Missouri

Photo of Benton Barracks, St. Louis, Missouri where David Patten and the 35th Illinois stayed in 1861.
Photo of Benton Barracks, St. Louis, Missouri where David Patten and the 35th Illinois stayed in 1861 via Iowa Digital Library.

The 35th Illinois Infantry spent much of the early war fighting in Missouri against the forces of Confederate General Sterling Price. In a letter  dated October 21, 1861, David Patten wrote about the regiment’s pursuit of General Price while camped along the south branch of the Osage River.

“We are camped here for awhile to rest. We are going on in the morning south after Price and Jackson. They are running but they are [trapped] since they cant get out without fighting. We camped on the same ground Saturday that they did one week ago. They are going south as fast as they can but there is about twenty thousand California rangers that will meet them about Arkansas. Our forces is about forty-seven thousand [and] twenty-five pieces of cannon. I think we will catch them sometime or rather, if we do, it will be all day with them. There is enough of us to take them right along without any trouble.”

He closed with the rather optimistic assessment that, “Three of four weeks will bring the war to a close in Missouri. Then Kentucky and Arkansas will be the fighting ground next.”

In an undated letter written sometime in early 1862, David Patten revealed that the fighting in Missouri was looking a bit grimmer for the Union, saying:

“The Unions folks of Missouri are moving out as fast as they can following the soldiers. [They are] going to Illinois, leaving their homes and taking what they can haul or drive. There is one thing more I must say—it is the poorest county I ever was in. The timber is all brush and the soil is flint rock and they lay as thick as one can lay beside another and there is no end to the depth. The water is good where there is water, but that is scarce.”

On January 9, 1862, David Patten wrote about a trip he took to see the “Mammoth Cave of Missouri,” not to be confused with the more well-known Mammoth Cave in Kentucky. It’s not known which cave this passage referred to, as there are many small caves in the area near Rolla where David Patten and the 35th Illinois Infantry were camped.

“Me and three others were out about 3 miles yesterday to the Mammoth Cave of Missouri. When we got there and went into the entrance, it looked like the entrance of the wet cave in Ohio. For a moment, it seemed to me that I was in Ohio. The entrance of the cave is larger than that of the wet cave in Ohio. There is a nice stream of water running through the center of the cave. We was in about half a mile. We could a went further but our candle was not sufficient to last so we had to go back. The wet cave is no comparison to these Here, all kinds of petrified stone and different apartments on both sides of the stream. We found the bones of an Indian in one hole that we was in. I suppose they had been carried there by some animals. We shot a few rounds of lead at the mark with our revolvers and took a snort of dog leg. I then left for camp.”

Continued Fighting by the 35th Illinois Infantry

Harper’s Weekly illustration of the Battle of Pea Ridge from 29 March 1862.
Harper’s Weekly illustration of the Battle of Pea Ridge from 29 March 1862 via Wikimedia Commons.

On March 7-8, 1862, the 35th Illinois Infantry fought at the Battle of Pea Ridge, in Missouri. This pivotal battle in which Union forces were able to hold back the Confederate army gave them control over most of Missouri and the northern part of Arkansas.

During the Battle of Pea Ridge, the lieutenant colonel of the 35th Illinois Infantry, William P. Chandler, was captured. One March 23, 1862, David Patten wrote that the lieutenant colonel had recently been exchanged and returned to them:

“We are in Missouri now about 10 miles from the Arkansas line. Our lieutenant colonel was exchanged yesterday and is in command of the regiment now. He said rebels treated him like a gentlemen. Their force is at Fort Smith, Arkansas. The first day we fought 12,000 of the rebels and [we] only had about 2,000. They said we fought like devils. Seven of their regiments was Mississippians and Louisianans. We found a good many arms that they had hid. I don’t know where we would go yet.”

By June 7, 1862, David Patten and the 35th Illinois Infantry were in Mississippi. While they didn’t participate directly in the Siege of Corinth, David Patten still observed  some of the aftermath:

“We went to Corinth and saw them skirmish some and stayed there till the rebels evacuated the place, then followed them south. We are about 25 miles from Corinth now, close to the rebels. You have heard about the arms that our men got and destroyed. And the prisoners—they don’t amount to much. We have papers here up to the 3d of this month. They tell all about our movements and about McClellan fighting the rebels at Richmond, Virginia—-that is the two first days, but no further.”

David Patten wrote again on July 29, 1862 revealing that his current duties were light and that he hoped to become a sergeant.

“But my duty is not very hard now. All I have to do is to draw rations from the commissary for the company and divide them out to the messes, drill and go on dress parade and do some fatigue duty at times. I don’t have to stand guard at all. There will be a sergeant to elect in the company before long. I will stand a chance to get that place so I will wait for this time.”

By October, 1862, continued fighting, including the recent battle at Perryville, Kentucky, left David Patten tired of the war and desiring to come home.

“We had a fight with the rebels at Perryville, Kentucky, on the 17 of this month. There was a good many killed and wounded on both sides. I have seen no official report but I seen a good many dead here. We had a fight with them yesterday. We are resting today but I don’t know how long we will rest. We are nearly wore out a running and fighting the rebels. If I had a got pay at Louisville, I would a come home.”

Declining Health

While David Patten had battled sickness throughout his time in the 35th Illinois Infantry, his health seemed to decline more aggressively in 1863. The poor conditions and meagre rations were taking their toll as he revealed in a letter dated January 19, 1863:

“I am not very well at this time. I have felt bad ever since the Battle [of Stone River] It was enough to kill the devil to lay out in the rain and mud with no fire and half enough to eat as long as we did. But I am thankful to come off as well as I did.”

As with the letter written last October, David Patten continued to wish to go home.

“I would get my likeness taken if I had a chance but there is a better chance of getting a scalp taken than a picture now. I am homesick now more so than I ever was. I long to see the time when I can come home and bid adieu to this bloody war. I will be 25 years old tomorrow and 17 months and 16 days to serve yet in this war.”

The final letter by David Patten in our collection was written on November 1, 1863 beginning with:

“I now take my pen up to write you a few lines this Sabbath morning to inform you that I am still alive but not in good health.”

Though he went on to assure his family that he was still able to do duty, David Patten also requested that they send him some desperately needed food:

“I want to know if you can send me some butter and some molasses and a little buckwheat for us. One gallon of buckwheat flour would do me a good while and a gallon or so of molasses and [illegible] pounds of butter and some kind of fruit. I never was so near starved in all my life than I am now.”

Sadly, David Patten passed away just a month after this last letter was sent on December 12, 1863.

We’d like to give a special thank you to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these documents.

To read more of David Patten’s letters or access thousands of other Civil War documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this feature, check out some of our other articles like David Poak of the 30th Illinois Infantry  and Silas Leach of the 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry Regimental Band.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 25: David Poak 30th Illinois Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

David Watson Poak was born in 1842 in Mt. Jackson Pennsylvania to John Poak and Sarah (Duff) Poak. The twelve letters in our Research Arsenal collection were written to his sister, Sadie Poak, who was born in 1841. Their mother died in 1847 and their father remarried to Emeline McCurley and had two more children.

In the late 1850s, David Poak moved to Millersburg, Illinois, where he worked as a school teacher. On August 12, 1861 he enlisted in Company A, 30th Illinois Infantry as a sergeant.

In a letter written sometime in September, 1861, David Poak told his sister about his election to sergeant:

“We have drawn our knapsacks, haversacks, shirts, drawers, shoes, canteens and stockings. but no arms or uniform yet. I am First Sergeant after the Orderly. They ran me for Orderly and had quite an exciting election. The ones that knew the other man voted for him and everyone that knew me for me. He got 43 votes and me 41. I did not want the office for it is the hardest office in the company. I would rather have the one I have. The Captain [Warren Shedd] said it was as tight an election as he ever saw. The way we voted was the ones that were nominated stepped out and the rest at the command march stepped to the one they wanted. There was 8 to 10 candidates and we had about as many times to vote.”

David Poak Early War Years

Wharf boat at Cairo, Illinois in 1864. David Poak and the 30th Illinois Infantry were stationed at Cairo early in the war.
Wharf boat at Cairo, Illinois in 1864.

After mustering in, the 30th Illinois Infantry was assigned to duty in the District of Cairo, Illinois through February, 1862. While stationed at Cairo, David Poak wrote to his sister about the recent return of some Union soldiers taken prisoner at the Battle of Belmont, which the 30th Illinois Infantry fought at, in Missouri on November 7, 1861.

“Do you get to see any western papers or dispatches taken from western papers? If not, there are a great many things I can write to you that I supposed you would see in the papers before you would get my letters. Ten of our prisoners taken at the Battle of Belmont returned from Memphis on last Thursday evening. They say they received middling hard treatment during their imprisonment. They were kept in the houses they used for their drakes and their rations were very meagre. They report very few troops at Memphis—nearly all have gone to Columbus [Kentucky]. The rebels feel very confident of their ability to hold the latter place. They say that less than 150,000 men need not attempt it. I think we can convince them of their error. There are 13 gunboats and 35 floating batteries at this place.”

In June, 1862, David Poak and his regiment were in Lagrange, Tennessee and David Poak had received a commission as second lieutenant in Company A. One of the biggest problems facing the 30th Illinois Infantry at this time was guerrilla fighters which David Poak described in a letter dated June 30, 1862:

“The rebels, before they left the junction, burned the depot, ticket office, and large amount of commissary stores and were going to burn the town but the citizens got them persuaded not to. Two of our pickets were shot at and wounded yesterday afternoon. It is supposed that it was done by a band of guerrillas. As soon as word came into camp a body of cavalry was sent out and succeeded in arresting 4 men. Three of them were found on horseback with loaded guns on their shoulders. I don’t know what will be done with them but I hope if they can produce any proof against them they will shoot or hang them.”

In the same letter, David Poak mentioned a narrow escape made by another member of his company when the train he was on was seized by Confederate forces:

“One of our trains was captured sixteen miles on this side of Memphis a few days ago while on its way to this place. Happily, there was no goods of any account on board. They must have taken near 100 prisoners. One of our company was on the train but by doing some keen running, made his escape. Also a member of John Tait’s company was on board and made his escape. He stayed with us one night. He said John made a good Captain and was well liked by all his men. You may know this pleased me for I am always glad to hear of the prosperity of any of our Jackson boys.”

Winter Conditions for the 30th Illinois

On January 8, 1863, David Poak wrote a letter to his sister from Davis’ Mill, Mississippi. In the letter he wrote several excerpts from his diary, which included the way the 30th Illinois passed their Christmas Day in 1862:

“This morning—Christmas—we were allowed to remain abed or rather aground (for we were sleeping on the ground without any tents and but one blanket to two men) until after daylight which was rather unusual for us. On. getting up, instead of finding the Christmas breakfast we used to get at home, we found that ours consisted of a tin of coffee, some hard crackers, and some boiled beef—this latter, however, running short before our appetites were satisfied. We were compelled to roast some fat bacon (familiarly called by the soldiers sow belly) on the end of a stick and finish up on that. Shortly after breakfast our company in connection with one from the 20th and one from the 78th Ohio Regiments were ordered out foraging. This we found dry work as the country had been scoured by the troops as they went southward. We went out about 4 miles from camp, got 7 good cows, 3 calves, six hogs, 4 barrels corn meal, and other things too tedious too mention. This property we took belonged to Capt. See of the Rebel army. We arrived in camp about 4 o’clock P. M., found out they had been looking for an attack during the day, and felt some anxiety on our account lest we should be taken. Had fresh pork for supper which we relished exceedingly well as we had eaten nothing since morning.”

During this winter the 30th Illinois also suffered from reduced—and sometimes nonexistent—rations:

“Contrary to all our expectations, we remained near Abbeville until the 3rd of the present month [January]. During our stay at this place we were first only ¾ rations, and then it was reduced to 3/8th rations. The last two days we were there we drew nothing from the Government. Our Brigade did not feel the short rations near as much as the rest of the Division as they are on the north side of the river and did have a good place to forage. We sent out large forage trains every day which brought in lots of provision, and as then were ten miles close by we had lots of corn meal and flour. The first full rations we got was on the 4th of the present month.

These short rations were caused by the rebels cutting off our communication with the North.”

In a letter dated January 21, 1863, David Poak wrote about being covered with snow overnight:

“I let it snow one top of my blankets which closed up the crevices and made me quite a warm covering. Next morning when I lifted my blankets preparatory to getting up, the first thing I was introduced to was a flake of snow about six inches square and it right in my face. I thought this pretty hard, but on making an effort to turn over, I found the snow closing in on all sides and I was compelled to get up double quick or be buried in snow. This day passed off very roughly. It snowed all day. We were relieved about 5 o’clock on the evening of the 15th made our way to camp found supper waiting on me. After eating a hearty supper and getting right warm. I went to bed and was soon contemplating in dreams the scenes of the last day.”

David Poak Serves as Adjutant and the Carolinas Campaign

Battle of Bentonville, North Carolina from Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper dated April 22, 1865 via Wikimedia Commons. The 30th Illinois Infantry was part of the 3rd Division of the 17th Corps.
Battle of Bentonville, North Carolina from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper dated April 22, 1865 via Wikimedia Commons. The 30th Illinois Infantry was part of the 3rd Division of the 17th Corps.

By October 29, 1863, David Poak had been promoted to first lieutenant in his company. The 30th Illinois Infantry were currently in Vicksburg, Mississippi. In a letter to his sister, David Poak explained why he wished to remain as acting adjutant rather than officially assuming the position:

“You wanted to know if they wanted me to do the work of adjutant. They did not give me the position. I had the offer of it but would not accept of it. The reason is this. An adjutant has the same work as the First Lieutenant; hence, it would be no promotion for me. In the next place, should I accept of the position of adjutant, it would hinder me from ever rising any higher as well as from getting any other position. An adjutant belongs to no company. Hence he cannot be promoted in any company and he can never rise to a field officer from the fact that the Captains outrank him. I talked to Col. Shedd about it several times and he told me that I was his choice for the place and that I could have it if I wished, but that he thought I had better not take it. The arrangement that he has made now is that Julius Alvord, Quartermaster Sergeant, shall be promoted to Adjutant, but shall be detailed to act as Quartermaster while I act as Adjutant. Then should anything better offer itself, I can have an opportunity to get it.”

Julius Alvord remained the official adjutant of the regiment until the end of the war.

In the final letter in the Research Arsenal collection, David Poak was writing from Goldsboro, North Carolina, where he detailed the poor condition of the men after fighting in the Carolinas Campaign under General Sherman since January of 1865:

“As you will perceive by the heading of my letter, we are now at Goldsboro where we expect to take a rest after our long and very severe campaign. How long a respite we will get here is hard to tell. They will be compelled to remain long enough to refit our army as it is now in a very destitute condition. A great many of the men are barefooted and without pants. Many of them have been forced to pick up and wear citizen or rebel clothes to cover their nakedness.

Our campaign has been in many respects one of the most severe we have ever made. The marches were long and most of the time through almost impossible swamps. Scarcely a day passed but what the men would have to wade from one to half a dozen swamps, frequently waist deep. The roads through these swamps would cut up before but a small portion of our train would pass over and part of the troops would have to remain out all night helping the wagons through. Our Brigade was out four nights all night and very often till two and three o’clock in the morning.

Whenever the enemy would make a stand, it was certain to be at one of these swamps and there our men would have to wade out in the water and stand and fight them. Anyone that was so unfortunate as to get wounded would fall in the water and perhaps nearly drown before they could get any assistance.

Sherman’s army has, I think, seen as much campaigning as any other. Still we learned a few things this trip that we had not thought of before. The men were in excellent spirits all the time. You would never hear them grumble a bit no difference how hard a time they were having. I often wondered how they could stand it at all. We passed through some rich country where we would find an abundance of forage and through some of the most barren regions I ever saw.”

David Poak survived the war and returned to Millersburg, Illinois for a time. He then moved to Pleasonton, Kansas, where he became the first mayor in 1870. He died in 1879 of consumption (tuberculosis).

If your interested in learning more about David Poak and his letters, many have been collected in the book, “Dear Sister Sadie“: The Letters of David W. Poak, 30th Illinois Infantry During the Civil War: Also the Diary of Edward Grow and Letters of Henry M. McLain.

You can also read the 12 letters part of the Research Arsenal collection, as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, with a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in sharing and transcribing these documents.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other spotlight collections, like Silas Leach of the 52nd Pennsylvania Regimental Band and Tip Wilson of the 5th Tennessee Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 24: Silas Leach 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry Regimental Band

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Silas Leach was born in Pennsylvania in 1836 to Isaiah Leach and Eliza (Kelly) Leach. Isaiah Leach worked as a school teacher and music teacher but passed away when Silas was only a year old. Silas, his siblings, and his mother then moved to Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania where his mother continued to live until her death in 1878. Silas was partially raised by his older brother, George W. Leach, who many of these letters were likely addressed to.

At the start of the war, Silas was a member of the Wyoming Coronet Band, which became part of the 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry. The 52nd Pennsylvania was organized at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania on November 5, 1861. Silas Leach’s first letter was written on October 29, 1861, from Camp Curtin, shortly before the regiment was formally mustered into service.

As a member of the regimental band, Silas Leach was not expected to do any fighting, but traveled with the regiment to provide music and do other duties.

Silas Leach at Camp Curtin

Illustration of Camp Curtin from September, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly.
Illustration of Camp Curtin from September, 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly via Wikimedia Commons.

Camp Curtin, located in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, was one of the major hubs for mustering in new regiments and training soldiers throughout the Civil War. It is estimated that by the end of the war over 300,000 Union soldiers had passed through it.

In Silas Leach’s first letter home to his brother, written October 29, 1861, he spoke some of the difficulties of camp life which for the moment were confined to the chilly weather:

“The only serious inconvenience I have experienced since I have been here has been from the cold nights. We have had some very cold nights. I take off nothing but my blouse and shoes when I go to bed and then throw my overcoat on top the bed clothes. Last night I slept very comfortably.”

Silas Leach also recounted an incident about a fire taking place near Camp Curtin and the soldiers rushing to put it out:

“I suppose we will get away from here in the course of a week. Quite a little incident occurred the other day in camp. A barn just north of the camp took fire and about three thousand soldiers made a break right through the guard, went over and put it out. Quite a number of our band were prominent in putting out the fire and I attribute one invitation to dinner tomorrow to that fact. John Rohn, Bob Campbell, and myself being out on a prospecting tour after chestnuts did not have a chance to distinguish ourselves on that occasion.”

Silas Leach was very close on his prediction of when the 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry would move out. They left for Washington, D.C. on November 8, 1861.

52nd Pennsylvania Infantry in Washington, D.C.

In the winter of 1861 the 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry served as part of the defenses of Washington, D.C. On December 16, 1861, Silas Leach wrote  to his brother about a rather humorous review of the troops in front of General McClellan:

“About half a mile from here is a large parade ground where most of the reviews on this side of the river take place. A few days ago I witnessed a review of Gen’l Keyes’ Division. It consisted of four brigades and was reviewed by Gen’l McClellan and staff. It was a very favorable day for the purpose and quite a large number of the beauty and fashion of Washington was there to witness the scene. I stood quite near McClellan and had a good chance to see what he looked like. He is quite robust and appears as if he gets enough to eat. Wears a mustache and quite firm expression of countenance generally. Gov. Morgan of New York was there [and] also Mrs. McClellan. Mrs. McClellan is quite young and quite good looking. She attracted great attention from its being her first appearance in public since her arrival from the West.

The only laughable incident that occurred was when the regiments were passing in review before the general, a drum major of one of the regiments was dressed up very finely and appeared as if he had a due sense of his own importance. When he got in front of McClellan, he gave his staff a pitch into the air intending to catch it when it came down. But unfortunately it fell in the mud and caused great laughter. And even McClellan relaxed his countenance enough to smile. The whole affair passed off in very good style.”

After receiving his pay, Silas Leach and a fellow member of the 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry Regimental Band, Charles Sutton, snuck off to Washington to do some sightseeing.

“While in the city, [Charley] Sutton and I went to the Capitol expecting to see Congress in session. But as usual they had adjourned until Monday. We went into the President and Vice President’s rooms. They were splendid rooms. I recognized the Vice President Mr. Hamlin having seen him in 1856. Charley and I had no pass and had to do some pretty tall dodging to keep out of the way of the patrol. We finally returned to camp. Very glad to get back. We have become so accustomed to walking on the ground that walking on pavements tires us out very quick.”

The End of Regimental Bands

Photo of an unidentified regimental band taken in Dowagiac, Michigan.
Photo of an unidentified regimental band taken in Dowagiac, Michigan.

By early 1862 it was clear that major reforms of the regimental bands were going to take place. While they had been initially seen as a powerful recruitment tool and morale booster, the sheer number of bands and band members proved costly to the war effort.

In a letter  written on February 15, 1862, Silas Leach provided the first clue that regimental bands like those of the 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry might not be around for much longer, and that the uncertainty was causing a great deal of confusion among the men:

“The idea of putting us in the ranks is perfectly ridiculous. I have no doubt that some of them would like to have the power to do it. But they can’t come it. I have no doubt that we could get our discharge at almost any time by applying to the Secretary of War. But the boys would rather await the action of Congress.

You would laugh if you was here to hear the conversation that takes place. Sometimes the boys are very much down in the mouth. Talk about going home. At other times they feel very patriotic and wouldn’t go hence under any circumstance.”

On March 18, 1862, Silas wrote again to his brother after his regiment had spent some time in the field near Manassas, Virginia:

“I suppose you read of the advance made on Manassas and of finding the enemy ‘no whar.’ Most of the men that went from this side returned. They made a pretty hard appearance, having camped out in the rain and mud without any covering. They all expect to embark in the present expedition. I suppose we must now expect to soldier in real earnest. Thus far we have had very fine times.”

The final letter in our Research Arsenal collection was written on June 24, 1862. This was about one month before the issuance of General Orders No. 91 from the War Department, which ended the practice of regimental bands except for the regular drummers, fifers and buglers for each company. In this letter, Silas Leach advises against having a friend enlist:

“I see by the Record that the Ross Rifles were anxious to go into the tented field. Also noticed Oliver’s name amongst the list. Just tell Oliver if he has any regard for my advices, he will stay at home. I don’t say this because I am particularly sick of the business myself, but because I know he would be situated entirely differently from myself. We are exempt, in fact, from about all duties of a soldier, doing absolutely nothing. And I know Oliver well enough to know that after being a month in the service, he will feel like shooting himself to get out of it. It is far different here to what it was in Washington. There we could keep ourselves tolerably clean. But here it is almost impossible for a private to do so. If Oliver was here a day, I could show him enough to banish and scatter all his patriotism to the four winds.

You say there was a circus in town. They boys here all say that “This is the biggest traveling circus they ever saw.” In regard to the disposition of the band, nothing will be known or done until after Richmond is taken and the Lord only knows how long that will be.”

Silas Leach was discharged with the rest of the band on August 16, 1862.  He died in 1902.

To learn more about regimental bands in the Civil War, read this article by the Library of Congress.

You can read more of Silas Leach’s letters, as well as view thousands of other Civil War letters, photos, and documents with a Research Arsenal membership.

We’d like to extend a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

Check out some of our other Research Arsenal Spotlights like Tip Wilson of the 5th Tennessee Infantry and William Lewis Savage of the 10th Connecticut Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 23: Tip Wilson of the 5th Tennessee Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Henry Harrison “Tip” Wilson was born in 1840 to Ann Adeline (Neblett) Wilson and Joseph Hannibal Bonaparte Wilson of Paris, Tennessee. He was named after politician William Henry Harrison whose nickname “Tippecanoe” during his presidential campaign inspired William Wilson to receive the same nickname, often shortened to “Tip.”

Tip Wilson enlisted as a private in Company C, 5th Tennessee Infantry on May 20, 1861. He was soon promoted to lieutenant an then to Captain of Company A before the regiment was finally mustered into service in August 1861. It was then consolidated with the 4th Tennessee Infantry in December, 1862.

The Research Arsenal collection for Tip Wilson also include letters written by his future wife, Naomi Elizabeth “Lizzie” Cox and one letter written by Tip Wilson’s sister, Elizabeth Buckner, after the war.

Tip Wilson at Dalton, Georgia.

Photo of Tip Wilson in civilian clothes.
Photo of Tip Wilson in civilian clothes.

In the first letter in our collection dated May 12, 1864, Tip Wilson wrote to his fiancée to update her on the war’s progress. Though writing from Auburn, Alabama, he began with news about Dalton, Georgia, where his regiment had recently been stationed.

“This note is to inform you that I yet remember thee. I have just returned from Dalton. I have concluded to give you all the news from that place—at least all I know. I left there Sunday evening. Our entire army was then advancing. Very heavy skirmishing was then going on. Was then thought [a] general engagement would commence Monday morning but did not.

After I left Dalton, I came down to Atlanta to await the result but no general engagement as yet but thought will be soon. We have killed & captured a great many Yanks since the 1st of this week. Our loss but small compared with that of the enemy’s. Gen. Johnston is ready & feels confident of success. I have never seen soldiers in better spirits than the Army of Tennessee is at the present—all eager to go upon the enemy. confident of a great & glorious victory.”

The First Battle of Dalton was fought from February 22-27, 1864 and resulted in a Confederate victory. Though Tip Wilson didn’t know it as he was writing, General Johnson was actually withdrawing his forces from Dalton, Georgia, after being outflanked by Union forces at the Battle of Rocky Face Ridge fought from May 7-13, 1864.

Tip Wilson concluded his letter with a teasing tale of Naomi “Lizzie” Cox marrying Gen. Mitchel in one of his recent dreams:

“Well, I will now tell you the dream I had a few nights ago. I dreamed you & Gen. Mitchel was married. I thought I was at the wedding. I had quite a nice time. Is it true or not? Let me know in your reply.”

Marriage of Tip Wilson and Lizzie Cox

On June 4, 1864 Naomi “Lizzie” Cox wrote a letter to Tip Wilson who was apparently recovering from an unspecified wound. In her letter  addressed to “Capt. Wilson,” Lizzie began by saying:

“I received your most welcome and appreciated letter a day or two since. I am truly glad to hear that you are in fine spirits and enjoy yourself so well. I hope your opinion in regard to the war may be a just one. If there is anything that I earnestly wish for, it is that ‘this cruel war may soon be over.’”

Lizzie was careful not to mention their upcoming wedding explicitly, instead leaving a blank space underlined when referring to it.

“You wished to know how I have enjoyed myself since you was here. My enjoyments at present consists in thinking of _______. I hope I shall have a nice time after we get through with our silk, eating fruit. Our plums and cherries are getting ripe now and the apples eat first rate. You must come down soon and stay several days. I think I can promise you a right nice time. You ought to see our silkworms now. They are winding up very fast. I counted over a thousand that I took myself yesterday.

Captain, I hope you will not nag me to ____ but I will tell you more about that when I see you. I would write my thoughts more plainly but I am fearful that someone beside yourself might accidentally get hold of it and read it.”

The couple were married on June 30, 1864.

Tip Wilson and the 5th Tennessee Infantry near Atlanta, Georgia.

Funeral photograph for Tip Wilson dated 1921. Seated at center is Naomi Elizabeth “Lizzie” (Cox) Wilson.
Funeral photograph for Tip Wilson dated 1921. Seated at center is Naomi Elizabeth “Lizzie” (Cox) Wilson.

On August 17, 1864, Tip Wilson wrote to his new wife, “Mrs. N. E. Wilson” about developments outside of Atlanta Georgia. The situation for the Confederate forces was grim, but Tip Wilson shared along with it a darkly humorous tale from picket duty:

“We are losing a great many men but not so many as the Yanks. Our boys shoot much better than the enemy. My company was on picket & one of the boys & a Yank got to shooting at each other, then would holler & ask how close he came. This was kept up for some time. Then my man shot & asked how close he came. The Yanks standing by remarked, “Goddam it, you killed him,” which was true for all the boys saw the Yank fall. They make a bargain sometimes to quit shooting & trade some. They they will meet on half way grounds & trade. Our boys will swap tobacco for pocket knives, watches, or anything they have. The Yanks will give anything they have for tobacco.”

As the war and the seasons went on, Tip Wilson found himself writing a melancholier letter to Lizzie on Christmas Eve, 1864, which he datelined Corinth, Mississippi:

“I again try to interest you the best I can by letter but having nothing very interesting, I fear I shall fail to interest you. Well, tomorrow is Christmas day and where am I? Little did I think last Christmas that I would be in this hog pen this Christmas. No man knows what tomorrow will bring forth.

We are expecting a fight here everyday. There are reports that 25,000 Yankees are coming upon this place from Memphis. Let them come. We will give them the best we have in our shop. We have about one thousand men here able for duty. But small we are in number, we are very large in courage. It is also reported that Hood is falling back from Nashville to Tuscumbia where he will take up winter quarters.”

Later in the letter Tip Wilson explained that he was temporarily part of Company is I, 1st Regiment, Reserve Forces in Corinth, but expected that he might be sent back to the 5th Tennessee Infantry soon.

Tip Wilson survived the war and lived into his eighties, passing away in 1921. His wife, Lizzie, died in the same year.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these documents.

To read more of Tip Wilson’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

Check out some of our other collection spotlights, like William Lewis Savage of the 10th Connecticut Infantry and Richard Ransom of the Chicago Mercantile Battery.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 22: William Lewis Savage of the 10th Connecticut Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

William Lewis Savage was born in 1842 to Selah Savage and Sarah M. (Meade) Savage of Greenwich, Connecticut. On October 2, 1861 he enlisted as a sergeant in Company “I” of the 10th Connecticut Infantry for three years service.

William Lewis Savage was a religious man and often wrote of the various church services he attended during his service. The Research Arsenal collection contains eight letters written by William Lewis Savage while he was in the 10th Connecticut Infantry, spanning from November, 1861 until February, 1864.

The New Captain of Company “I”, 10th Connecticut Infantry

Photo of Thomas R. Mead via “History and Genealogy of the Mead Family of Fairfield County, Connecticut, Eastern New York, Western Vermont, and Western Pennsylvania From A.D. 1180 to 1900” published 1901. The image incorrectly lists his company as “G” rather than “I.”
Photo of Thomas R. Mead via “History and Genealogy of the Mead Family of Fairfield County, Connecticut, Eastern New York, Western Vermont, and Western Pennsylvania From A.D. 1180 to 1900” published 1901. The image incorrectly lists his company as “G” rather than “I.”

In late 1861, Sergeant William Lewis Savage wrote his first letter in our collection. Dated November 12 and written in Annapolis, Maryland, he told his parents about a young man that had recently been discharged from the regiment due to a wound received:

“There is one man in the regiment who has got an honorable discharge, half pay as long as his life continues in him, and one hundred dollars bounty, on his from Hartford to Annapolis. He got [a] bayonet wound which will probably cripple him for life. He is to be sent home tomorrow.”

Many more shakeups occurred in the 10th Connecticut Infantry in the following months. William Lewis Savage was promoted to sergeant major of the regiment on February 18, 1862. In the summer of 1862, the original captain of Company “I,” Daniel M. Meade, was promoted to major, leaving a new vacancy for the role of captain. William Lewis Savage had an ideal candidate  in mind, though the man was not the first lieutenant of Company “I”:

“I don’t know who we shall have for our next captain but most of the company know who they want and would pretty generally unite on the same one. We all know who made Co. I what it is today—who taught us, in our first attempts, at being soldiers—could explain all the drill and make it plain to be understood—who commanded the attention of the men without reproving—could and [did] make it interesting—a [man] who today is as able and brave and well liked as the Tenth Regiment affords—who I think I may safely say understands the evolutions of the line (i.e. maneuvers of a regiment in the field, in line of battle, any other maneuvers) better than most of the Captains and all the Lieutenants. Then why shouldn’t we know who we want for our next Captain, and all be agreed. I believe he is liked by every private in the regiment. I never heard one say anything against him nor ever heard of his treating the lowest man as though he considered himself any better than him; but I have often heard men of different companies speak of him as the man they wanted to be on guard with and Lieutenant [Thomas R.] Mead’s the man for me. And what you [ask is] the reason of all this? It is because he has studied to fit himself to his duties in the position he held and afterwards for any position to where he might attain. It has also been his study to gain love and respect at the same time for the entire control of those under his command. And he has succeeded admirably—not only of those under him immediately, but of the whole regiment. And now do you wonder why the boys are all united. I think not after all the reasons I have given.”

After his strong endorsement of then second lieutenant Thomas R. Mead, William Lewis Savage went on to list his reasons why he believed the current first lieutenant of the company was the wrong man for the job:

“Again you might ask, what objections to Lieutenant [Isaac Odle] Close, at present our First Lieutenant, and the commander. We have already seen enough to know that he knows little or nothing about battalion movements, and I’ll say nothing about simple company drill. I do not doubt but there [are] privates in the company who would do as well as he with one quarter the experience. I don’t think he has ever taken a great amount of pains to inform himself any more than was absolutely necessary. I might multiply. I might fill a sheet with good and strong objections to Lieutenant Close as Captain but I don’t want to say against him to his injury so I forbear. But Lieutenant [Close] is kind to his men and I know does as well as he knows how; but that don’t help the matter much. He always used me well enough.”

William Lewis Savage’s beliefs proved to be common amongst the regiment, and it was indeed Lieutenant Thomas R. Mead who was appointed as the new captain of company “I.” Sadly, Thomas Mead died shortly after taking command, passing away on October 25, 1862.

William Lewis Savage Writes on Connecticut

On March 24, 1863, William Lewis Savage’s letter home to his parents included some of his thoughts about the current political climate in his hometown of Greenwich which he believed was shameful in not lending more to the war effort. He wrote:

“I would just like to see Co. I let loose in the town of Greenwich. I’ll vouch for the company that those secesh would have just the most wide awake time they ever saw—such a one as they would not want to see again. Why the company is indignant at some of the speeches that they have made in Connecticut. Greenwich will not furnish any more of her sons for the war? O! send that rascal down here. Summary justice will be done him. We’ll learn them what we are fighting for—to crush traitors from our land. Surely the Tenth Regiment must go where there is fighting to be done. They will get so by and bye. They can’t do anything without them. We we embark again, we go on board the N. England General Ferry’s boat.”

On September 2, 1863, William Lewis Savage was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the 10th Connecticut Infantry. A few weeks later, on September 23, 1863, he wrote  home advising against a family friend, Dr. Hyde, from joining the military, as soldiering in the south was much less hospitable as doing the same in Connecticut:

“As for Dr. Hyde, it seems to me (of course I don’t know) he had better let military alone. Soldiering is very nice in Connecticut, but away from there, it is much like, well I don’t know [what] to compare it to. He can not tend to both, and my advice is to stand to his profession and we will tend to the rebs, north & south. I should like to have seen them out on picket duty. Why it must have been fun but sort of boys play. No fear of rebs getting up and shooting at you. I would not mind doing military duty in Connecticut for five times three years. It’s nothing—nothing to hurt or make afraid. Please tell him for me that I have got enough of it to last me and I guess him too for several years.”

William Lewis Savage Attends Church in Florida

1914 Photograph of the Cathedral Basilica of St. Augustine in St. Augustine, Florida, where William Lewis Savage attended a church service in 1863.
1914 Photograph of the Cathedral Basilica of St. Augustine in St. Augustine, Florida, where William Lewis Savage attended a church service in 1863 via Wikimedia Commons.

In November, 1863, the 10th Connecticut Infantry was stationed in St. Augustine, Florida. As a religious man, William Lewis Savage, attended religious services whenever he could. On November 1, 1863, he wrote a letter home and described his first time attending a Catholic service in the area:

“This evening the Major sent me down to the wharf to look after a desk. After I had found it, I sent it to camp and, as it was about church time, I went into the church. The church is very old and is a Catholic church. The congregation was composed mostly of citizens—quite a good many of them ladies—very fine looking and nicely dressed they were too. Reminded me very much of home.

The service mostly was unintelligible. What was not in Latin was in such broken English I could not understand it. The priest was an Irishman. Most of the congregation, I should judge, were Spanish. The music was fine—an organ and two or three female voices did all the singing—and splendid singing it was too. There is a chime of bells in the church.”

The church that William Lewis Savage visited was the Cathedral Basilica of St. Augustine, which was built between 1793 and 1797 and still stands in St. Augustine today.

Lieutenant William Lewis Savage mustered out at the end of his term on October 18, 1864. He died on October 27, 1909 in Bridgeport, Connecticut leaving behind three children.

We’d like to thank William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more letters by William Lewis Savage and access thousands of Civil War era letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this spotlight article, check out some of our other featured collections like Richard Ransom of the Chicago Mercantile Battery and Biddle Boggs who served on John C. Frémont’s staff and in the 80th USCT Infantry.

 

 

 

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