Tag: Civil war letters

Research Arsenal Spotlight 62: Otis Whitney 27th Iowa Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Otis Whitney was born in 1821 in Seneca, New York to Otis Whitney and Betsy (Hawley) Whitney. He married Harriett Newell Barnes in 1854 and the pair moved out west to Iowa. He served as a law clerk and acting justice of the peace until becoming the 1st lieutenant of Company H, 27th Iowa Infantry in the fall of 1862.

Initial Organization and Muster of the 27th Iowa Infantry

Tintype Photo of Otis Whitney of the 27th Iowa Infantry.
Tintype Photo of Otis Whitney of the 27th Iowa Infantry via findagrave.com.

After completing its organization, the 27th Iowa Infantry was initially sent to St. Paul, Minnesota, in October, 1862. The journey ended up more perilous than expected. In a letter written on October 15, 1862, Otis Whitney described a serious accident during their voyage north.

“We embarked Sunday morning & had a pleasant trip with some little adventure. Sunday night, just at dark, a snag (a large tree trunk) smashed through the guard deck near the bow of the boat & came very near throwing some of the boys overboard. A few minutes before there were several standing on the very spot where the crash was made. Last night a steamer coming down undertook for some unexplained reason to run our boat down but by the skill of our pilot, we avoided being struck but in doing so, the stern of the boat was thrown so near the shore that a tree on the shore crashed through the side of the boat & tore out the entire side of the barber shop to the great fright of several men who were sleeping on the floor & in chairs. The fright was not without cause as it came near sweeping off several men.”

The 27th Iowa Infantry was then sent south to Cairo, Illinois, a place Otis Whitney had a less than favorable opinion of.

“You say you hope we will go into winter quarters here. If you could look around & see the position we occupy, you would soon change your mind. It would be difficult selecting as bad a place for quartering soldiers in the state of Iowa as this. It is mud everywhere and such mud as you do not see in Quasqueton. It sticks fast to one’s boots until they are completely loaded down. But this is not the worst of our position. It is very unhealthy. Dr. Hastings is afraid there will not be well ones enough by Saturday night to take care of the sick.

Several of us officers occupy an old shanty on the top of the embankment that keeps the Mississippi and Ohio from overflowing the town in high water. The boys and many of the officers sleep on a level with the Mississippi in ordinary stage of water. The place, Cairo, is one of the most God-forsaken places it has ever been my misfortune to visit. Almost every place is a drinking saloon. The place boasts a theatre all on the ground floor. Steamboats and gunboats swarm.”

27th Iowa Infantry in Mississippi

On November 29, 1862, Otis Whitney wrote to his wife that the regiment had arrived in Mississippi and was currently in pursuit of Confederate forces under the command of General Sterling Price.

“We have an object in view. That is to cut off Van Dorn and Price from forming a junction with Bragg. We look for a battle tomorrow or next day—a severe one. We have had pale cheeks in camp already. I do not intend to say anything to excite your fears. This may be the last letter I can write you & yet I may be spared to write many more & come home to stay for many happy years. God only knows.

It is very possible that Price may run too fast to be caught. If we do intercept him, we shall have a battle.”

When Otis Whitney next wrote on December 6, 1862, they were still pursuing Price, but the likelihood of a battle involving the 27th Iowa Infantry had decreased.

“One thing, however, seems probably certain and that is that we are not very likely to have an action with Price’s forces for the present. I dare say you are glad of it & so am I, although I would try not to flinch from any duty. Price seems to be the prince of Generals at retreat & a middling good fighter when he can engage an enemy far inferior to him in numbers.

The cannonading I wrote you about was Gen. Grant shelling Price out of some fortifications on the Tallahatchie river about four miles from our present camp. Price evacuated in the night precipitously leaving sixteen of his heaviest guns spiked. His night retreat saved his army from being cut off or our division from a defeat. We make no calculations for defeat & with an equal force numerically I think we need not.”

A few weeks later, one December 23, 1862, Otis Whitney described the recent Confederate raid on Holly Springs, Mississippi.

“On Saturday morning (the 20th, I believe) report came into camp that Holly Springs was attacked and taken by the secesh and that a body of their cavalry were on the way to either attack us or pass nearby to destroy a bridge below us. We were accordingly hurried out of quarters with no baggage or provision to march some mile or two, resist the passage, and then return to stay over night. It was afternoon when we started. Reached the post, formed line of battle, stacked arms—built a great high rail fence 30 or 40 rods long (of old rails handy by) then took positions by companies & waited for the enemy. No enemy came, and after waiting two or three hours, word was received to march for Holly Springs by way of Waterford whole distance about 15 miles.”

Otis then briefly backed up his account in order to give more detail.

“On Saturday morning at daylight, 14 secession cavalrymen rushed upon a hospital a mile from our camp, made prisoners of the guards—some 12 in number, took what horses they could find (among them Doctor Hasting’s horse) and left in a hurry. No one in our company had the misfortune to be taken. Doctor Hastings can owe his freedom to the comfortable habit of waiting for the sun to rise first. However, the boys are all paroled as we hear today—out of the service until exchanged.

On Sunday morning early we commenced the march for Holly Springs, nine miles distant, which we reached about 2 p.m. The rebels fled Saturday night after destroying immense army supplies, railroad cars, and burning some of the best blocks in the town. They also destroyed a heavy mail and ransacked the Post Office. They also took some 1000 [prisoners], most of who, they immediately paroled, not having time to parole all. Several were killed and wounded. We cannot learn how many. You can learn by the papers long before we shall know. That is the only way we have of learning what we have done.”

Otis Whitney and the Battle of Nashville

January 1865 Illustration in Harper’s Weekly of the Battle of Nashville.
January 1865 Illustration in Harper’s Weekly of the Battle of Nashville via Wikimedia Commons.

The 27th Iowa Infantry continued to serve throughout the south in 1863, including participating in the capture of Fort DeRussy and the Battle of Tupelo. In December, 1864, the 27th Iowa Infantry was outside of Nashville awaiting an imminent attack by Confederate forces under General John Bell Hood. In a letter written on December 6, 1864, Otis Whitney described the regiment’s readiness for the attack.

“I have seated myself on my roll of blankets & commenced a letter to you not knowing whether I shall have an opportunity to finish before having to fall into line to repel Gen. Hood’s army. We are entrenched behind strong temporary works which we have thrown up since the 3rd inst. We are on a high and commanding hill with a section of a battery planted on it. Cannonading has been going on almost all the time since we took our position with the exception of part of the night & it has just now commenced again 8:30 a.m.

We have no fears of an attack in the daytime, nor much in the night. But a night attack would to a great extent deprive us of the use of our artillery. It is no doubt the intention & policy of the rebels to attack us in the night & then by force of numbers to overwhelm us—precipitating themselves upon us in massed columns with insane and reckless fury, hoping to break our lines. We have a force large enough to whip the rebels in the field, I think, but it is not the intention of our commander to move outside our works to fight. Gen. Hood cannot afford to remain long before the city & if he attempts to retreat, that retreat must soon be converted into a flight. The rebels do not reply to our artillery & have not except once the first afternoon when they planted a section of a battery (2 guns) and attempted to shell us but soon gave up the attempt as useless as they could not reach us with their shell. Judging from appearances, they are short of artillery ammunition. We have a line of entrenchments 7 miles long that is the outside line. Inside are rifle pits and two formidable & very commanding forts full of heavy siege guns.”

Hood’s forces finally attacked and were repelled on December 15 and 16, 1864. On December 20, 1864, Otis Whitney wrote home about the battle and the aftermath.

“You have probably heard long before this all the particulars of the two days fight before Nashville & how the Federal forces defeated Hood’s forces. The battles were on the 15th and 16th. On the 17th our forces commenced the pursuit—that is, the infantry. The cavalry were in pursuit the night after the fight. The roads were very bad & it rained most of the day. The 18th continued the chase & camped long after dark on the battlefield of Franklin with the evidences of the sanguinary contest all around us—cast away knapsacks, haversacks, blankets, cartridge boxes, and various kinds of small arms. Dead horses lay scattered around and new made graves were in the midst of our camp & long rows in sight near our fortifications.”

He also described the fatigue he experienced on the second day of the fight.

“I passed through the battles unharmed but was dreadfully fatigued. In the charge on the 16th, I had a full haversack & canteen, a rubber blanket, and my overcoat which was wet and very heavy. Although not carrying near so much load as many others, I gave out with fatigue for a time and fell behind apiece but regained the front before the line permanently halted.”

Otis Whitney was discharged with his regiment on August 8, 1865. He later moved Oswego, Kansas and died in 1901.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Otis Whitney’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Constantine Hege of the 48th North Carolina Infantry and Gustavus Williams of the 51st Massachusetts Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 61: Constantine Hege 48th North Carolina Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Constantine Hege was born in 1843 to Solomon Hege and Catharine (Guenther) Hege of Davidson County, North Carolina. The Hege family were Moravians, an early Protestant religion originating from the Bohemian Reformation in the late 1400s. Religiously, they were opposed to war, but nevertheless Constantine Hege was conscripted into Company H of the 48th North Carolina Infantry in the summer of 1862.

Constantine Hege Arrives at Camp

Constantine Hege’s letters begin on August 8, 1862 at Camp Holmes outside Raleigh, North Carolina. Though he opens his letter with a description of his trip, from the beginning its clear that he finds camp life difficult and is less than thrilled to be there.

“I enjoyed my ride tolerably well. I saw a great many things that interested me very much. I counted 14 engines at the company shops. I also saw the state house and many other fine buildings. We are now in Camp Holmes about 4 miles from Raleigh. We have good tents and a beautiful grove to camp in. There are also several wells of good water in the camp. We are guarded all round by stout looking guards with muskets well loaded.

I will now tell you what I think of camp life. I think it is a very hard life. We drawed 440 lbs. of flour for 4 days. We also drawed 3 skillets & 1 pot for about 20 men to prepare their victuals in. I do not like such fare nor I am not content at present. I feel very much downcast but I think that several of my tent mates are very nice men and I hope that I can after a while do better if I must stay in camp.”

In a letter to his father on August 13, 1862, Constantine Hege implored him to try and find a substitute for him if at all possible.

“It fell to my lot to go in Capt. [John H.] Michael’s company. I there saw very many of my acquaintances which I had not seen for several months which revived me somewhat but I am not satisfied here. I do not like to hear of going to face the cannons and the muskets. I would be very glad if you could hire a substitute in my place because I cannot stand such a life with any enjoyment at all. I went over to see the flying artillery. There were 12 cannons there, and for a person to see them, it would make the cold chills run over anyone, I think. Therefore, I want you to try to hire a substitute and if you do hire one, get a competent man to bring him to Captain [John H.] Michael’s company, 48th regiment, N. C. troops.”

Constantine Hege also described meeting a few Yankees and talking with them.

“I saw about 300 Yankees from Salisbury on their way home at Weldon. I talked with several of them. They seemed to be as fine a set of men as are anywhere.”

The 48th North Carolina Infantry at Antietam and Fredericksburg

Image of Antietam Battlefield showing Dunker Church. The 48th North Carolina suffered 50% casualties in fighting near the church.
Image of Antietam Battlefield showing Dunker Church. The 48th North Carolina suffered 50% casualties in fighting near the church.

On September 21, 1862, Constantine Hege wrote home about the recent battle of Antietam where the 48th North Carolina Infantry saw heavy fighting.

“We have been marching for about 20 days and sometimes we have [had] to march all night. We crossed the Potomac River four times and over into Maryland. The first time that we went over, we staid 2 or 3 days and came back safe. And then we went to Harpers Ferry and there we had a very hard bombing last Monday, but we whipped the Yankees without any musket firing except from the pickets. We captured a great many wagons and cannons and taken about 800 prisoners. We then marched over into Maryland again on last Tuesday evening and on Wednesday morning [17 September] about nine or ten o’clock, we were marched in the battlefield and we made a charge on one of the enemy’s batteries. But when we got [with]in about 75 or 100 yards of them, we were bound to retreat because they were too strong for us, and a great many of our men were killed and wounded. There were about twenty wounded in our company. Jackson Koontz was killed. Augustus Bryant was mortally wounded and died.”

The 48th North Carolina Infantry was stationed at Fredericksburg beginning in November, 1862. During this time, Constantine Hege spent much of his time waiting for a box his family sent with clothing and other goods for him. He later found out that the box was stolen, an unfortunate circumstance that may have ended up saving his life. One December 18, 1862 he wrote about the recent Battle of Fredericksburg.

“There has been a very hard battle fought here last Saturday and our regiment was in the hardest of the fight. I did not have to go into the battle because I am so near barefooted. The Colonel gave orders that all the barefooted men should stay at the camp. I can tell you I was glad then that my shoes did not come because I would rather loose [lose] a hundred dollars than to go in a battle. There were a great many killed and wounded it is said that there were ten thousand Yankees killed during the battle. I do not know how many of our men were killed but I know that there were a great many wounded. There were 19 men wounded and one killed in our company. The human suffering, the loss of life, and above all, the loss of many a precious soul that is caused by war. Would to God that this war might close off this year and that we all could enjoy the blessing of a comfortable house and home one time more. I never knew how to value home until I came in the army.”

Capture and Oath of Allegiance

Image of the Salem Iron Works built by Constantine Hege after the war.
Image of the Salem Iron Works built by Constantine Hege after the war via Digital Forsyth.

Constantine Hege was captured at the Battle of Bristoe Station on October 14, 1863. His next surviving letter was written on October 31, 1863, though in it he mentions that he had written a couple of letters previous to it. He was incarcerated at the Old Capitol Prison, though by the time he wrote the letter it appears he had already taken the oath of allegiance and was awaiting his release.

“I am still here in the above named prison, but I think that I will be released and set free in a week or so. I have got in with a pious young man who lives in Philadelphia, Pa., to help me to get is some business there to make a living. I want to try and get Rev. F. F. Hegen or Rev. Mr. Senamon to help me along also if I can. There are several of my acquaintance here with me who also are a going North. I think we will be provided for by Providence. I hope you will not trouble yourselves about me as I can assure you I have received very kind treatment so far. Do not believe false reports.”

Despite Constantine Hege’s belief that he would soon be released, he remained imprisoned until March, 1864, writing several more short letters during that time (prisoners were limited to a single page). His last letter from the prison was dated February 1, 1864.

“I received fifty dollars from Rev. F. F. Hagen about two weeks ago. He will furnish me with three hundred dollars as by your order. I am very thankful for your kindness in writing to Rev. Mr. Hagen to send me money as I was in need, but now I am very comfortably clothed and am doing well as a prisoner.

I often think of my dear old home and long to get there but here I am many miles from home. But it all has been so ordered by Providence and that for the best. I therefore take it patiently trusting in God to protect me from all harm and danger and to keep me safe, alive, and well, and I hope by his allwise providence to meet you all on earth again, but if not, God grant that we may all meet in Heaven above.”

Once released, Constantine Hege traveled to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. On April 1, 1864, he wrote home about his new circumstances.

“I arrived here at Bethlehem on the 15th of March and went to Rev. F. F. Hagen’s house. He was very glad to see me and aided me in procuring a good place to board and to work. I am working at the Bethlehem Iron Works. My wages are $1.35 per day and my board costs $3.50 per week. I am now boarding with Mr. John Fimstick—a Moravian family—and they are very kind to me as I will soon tell you.”

In May, 1865, Constantine Hege began attending a Moravian school in Pennsylvania and asked his father’s help in affording tuition. He also mentioned missing his home in the South, even while renouncing secession.

“I suppose you can readily see by my letter that I am very much out of practice. I commenced going to school on the 26th of April and expect to go until the end of the session, which is in July, unless you wish me to come home before then. I love the North very much but not so well yet as the dear South, where I spent my youthful days in sports and where the rich fruit so plentifully abounds. I do not mean that I love secession or anything connected therein. But I love the county, the climate, and all the good loyal Union people—because there is my home and parents and brother and sister, whom I love so very much.”

On June 29, 1865, Constantine Hege wrote a very interesting letter to his mother giving his thoughts about the war and the Confederacy, seemingly in reproach for his mother’s attitude against northerners.

“You seem to be down on the Yankees as you call them. You say they work on Sunday. That is nothing strange to me as I worked many Sundays in the Rebel army while I was in the service of our brave President Jeff Davis who dressed up in women’s clothes—brave fellow was he!

I suppose you also call me a Yankee. If you do, all right. I consider that more of an honor than a disgrace. I have taken a particular fancy to the Yankees (so called) and especially to the young ladies who seem to take pleasure of being in company with a southern boy and they very seldom ever mention anything of my having been in the Rebel army which I would consider a disgrace.”

Constantine Hege continued his schooling and later returned to North Carolina and opened a foundry. He received a patent for a set of works for circular sawmills and began manufacturing sawmills and woodworking machinery of his own design. He married Frances Mary Spaugh in 1870 and had several children. After her death he married Martha Caroline Spaugh. He died in 1914.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Constantine Hege’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Gustavus Williams of the 51st Massachusetts Infantry and Benjamin Blatchford of the 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery.

 

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 60: Gustavus Williams 51st Massachusetts Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Gustavus Williams was born on October 28, 1834 in Uxbridge, Massachusetts. He married Nancy Bernette Hill in 1859 and had two children with her (a daughter, Myrtle, and son, Hill) when he enlisted in company K of the 51st Massachusetts Infantry in September, 1862. The 51st Massachusetts Infantry was a nine months unit and Gustavus Williams served as a sergeant.

The 51st Massachusetts Infantry in North Carolina

Photo of Gustavus Williams who served in Company K, 51st Massachusetts Infantry.
Photo of Gustavus Williams who served in Company K, 51st Massachusetts Infantry via Spared & Shared.

The first letter in our collection was written by Gustavus Williams on February 28, 1863 while he was at Camp Foster, New Bern, North Carolina. By the time this letter was written, he had four months left of service and was eager to return home to Bernette. The regiment had recently moved and Gustavus Williams wrote about his current assignment on guard duty.

“It is Thursday evening after nine. I am on guard commanding nine men who watch the barracks that there may be no thieving done by outsiders. I stay in my quarters but must be up so as to relieve guard every two hours. There seems now to be a definite dispersal of the regiment made in order to check discord. Our company is to take a picket station some six or eight miles east on the right hand side of the railroad as we go east. The 43rd [Massachusetts] have a company there [already]. It is called Evans’ Mills and seems very promising as a station for some weeks or months it may be.”

Shortly after this letter, Gustavus Williams and his company moved to Evans Mills for continued guard duty. He described the quarters he and his men stayed in, in a letter written on March 5, 1863.

“The sergeants and privates have quarters in board huts accommodating from two to a dozen or more each, and the block house — a strong log building of two stories with port holes for cannon and perforations for musketry. There are ten or eleven cavalrymen stationed here as this is an important outpost towards Pollocksville from which an attack — if one were made — might come. The cavalry scour the country around and our pickets comfortably stationed in huts along the road a mile from our company quarters, which are just back of the blockhouse, guard the only approach. The sergeants with corporals remain.

My chums occupy a very comfortable cabin with two tables, three bunks, one chair, two cupboards, and a good fireplace. All the huts have either stoves or fireplaces but ours is the best building and seems quite civilized. When on guard, I stay here, occasionally visiting the pickets, but with not much duty, but having a good deal of responsibility as I command the guard acting Lieutenant.”

In the same letter he described the rather hazardous wildlife in the area.

“It is now after ten P. M. I have just been to visit the outpost guarded by a corporal and 3 privates. Of course I had other posts to pass on the way. All was very bright moonlight, very quiet, but the guard are most watchful. In the creek and swamps we are told are [Water] Moccasins, Copperheads, Rattlesnakes, alligators, wood ticks, and what besides of danger, we don’t know nor wish to know. Our huts have an abundance of rats. We do know but we can guard against them — only keep the Rebs away.”

Gustavus Williams Desires to Return Home

Photograph of Company K, 51st Massachusetts Infantry at Evans Mill. The photograph is described in a letter written by Gustavus Williams on April 9, 1863.
Photograph of Company K, 51st Massachusetts Infantry at Evans Mill. The photograph is described in a letter written by Gustavus Williams on April 9, 1863. Via facebook.com

On March 19, 1863, Gustavus Williams wrote home to Bernette and described the difference in conditions for officers and enlisted men.

“Monday I went to Newbern in the little mule cart and drew rations for the company for fourteen days (I did not draw them home).

The spring advances much more slowly than at the North but flowers are quite plenty along the road and in the yards of the city houses where dandy officers — many of them with wives and families — live luxuriantly. After a hard task running for orders on this and that official — for [red] tape is the rule everywhere — I got my work done and in my little wretched springless cart drawn by the smallest and most unhappy of mules, through mud holes, through woods, and difficulties of various descriptions, my companion, Corporal Heath, and I plodded home tired and dirty.

The Captain the same day, on a fine horse, well dressed, gaily rode to town full of business, credit or money, and a good time, good company, a good ride home, a good supper &c. awaited him. No wonder he expects to enter the army again — if spared to return. Could I believe it right to live thus on a country in struggles for life, and had I no wife and bairns to stay with at home, I might try for a commission myself. The ifs are large enough to prevent that, however, and I can’t say I’m sorry I had no commission and I certainly have no complaint to make of either of our officers treatment of me.”

Gustavus and Bernette spent much time discussing articles they read in issues of the Atlantic as well as various books including The Count of Monte Cristo. Another topic of conversation was Bernette’s hope that Gustavus could return on a furlough, which Gustavus felt was very unlikely although he very much wished for it, too.

“You speak of a furlough as possible. I think the nine-months men will not get any; their time is too nearly expired and the claims of the three years men ought surely to be considered before ours. Still it is so hard to have a son at home whose face I have scarcely seen and a daughter I had learned to live with, a wife — the light of my life, and I so far away in a kind of slavery. I am glad my boy is to resemble me so much. At the worst, you can never forget the father while the son resembles him.”

Gustavus Williams at the Hospital

In April, 1863, Gustavus Williams began suffering rheumatism and pain in his feet. He went to the doctors to get it treated, but as revealed in a letter written on April 19, 1863, the treatment seems to have made his condition considerably worse.

“I am now more of a cripple than when I wrote last. My rheumatism is little better, if indeed it is improved at all. The doctor urged me to bathe with iodine and I reluctantly did so a very few times. The result was an eruption on the side and bottom of my foot which appeared and felt like ivy poison. Presently blisters appeared — itching and burning. The doctor said pinch them. I told him I feared erysipelas. He didn’t so I opened one or two of them. They grew worse and my foot began to swell generally so I dismissed the idea of following the doctor’s orders believing as I do now that erysipelas was there surely and must be fought. My good angel — my wife — had sent just the material for bandages long before and F. Washburn was the one to put them on. After carefully applying these just as your mother did to my sore arm and hand for a day or more, the selling and much of the inflammation abated. Now, some three days later, my foot is quite comfortable though still red and inflamed — comparatively less — and requiring great care.”

Erysipelas is a bacteria infection that presents the same symptoms as what Gustavus Williams described. In the same letter Gustavus Williams also wrote what he head about attempts to capture Washington, North Carolina, frequently referred to as “Little Washington.”

“Our troops went out towards Little Washington but soon returned — the men disgusted that they were not suffered after their hard march to fight — the officers declaring the enemy present with twice our numbers. Another expedition has started. Little Washington still holds out. A steamer is said to have run the blockade with provisions for [General] Foster. Night before last, firing was heard over towards the Neuce [Neuse River]. The captain said yesterday the Rebs had planted a battery below New Bern on the Neuce [Neuse] and were firing on passing vessels. They’ve tried the dodge before without success.”

In another letter written on the same day (April 19), Gustavus gave a similar appraisal of his situation and that of the army to his sister, Emily.

“I believe I wrote before of a humor which had appeared on my right foot. It is now on both and nearly prevents my walking — especially as I was lame before. This humor appears just outside of the places of my feet which were lame. It is like poison [ivy] on the foot first attacked. It is deep and has been severe but is, I trust, better, and I hope also when well the lameness will also be gone. Otherwise I am well and comfortable.

Gen. Foster who was ‘shut up’ at Little Washington has been reinforced and since returned to New Bern. He is now off with a large force after the Rebels who are reported to have abandoned the siege of Washington and ‘skedaddled.’ We have never been disturbed here. Have been here since March 2.”

In the final letter in our collection, written May 23, 1863, Gustavus Williams wrote that despite his ill health, he was able to convince his doctor to let him return to his regiment where he hoped to soon muster out rather than remain under care.

“Last night I rode to Foster Barracks to see Dr. [George] Jewett who sent an order for me to go to the camp and as I feared, to the hospital to be drugged under his eye. I dressed in my best and used my best arguments to show that I should be best here. He said that as the regiment was to go home in a very few weeks, he disliked to send me home in my present condition. Indeed, it seems unlikely that Coleman will get his papers signed by the General as his time is so near out. Dr. Jewett was unwell and very affable and courteous, said I might take some medicine he would send me with directions. The medicine had come but no directions. Hence, I wait for further orders. At the Quartermasters was my half barrel — arrived a day or two before. Lery drive me over in the mule cart. So we waded it in and came back, rejoicing in my escape and in my barrel.”

The 51st Massachusetts Infantry was mustered out on July 27, 1863. Gustavus Williams and Bernette had several more children together and he went to work as a lawyer alongside his father-in-law. Bernette passed away in 1880 and Gustavus Williams died in 1910.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more Gustavus Willliams’ letter and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Benjamin Blatchford of the 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery and Elbert Corbin of the 1st New York Light Artillery.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 59: Benjamin Blatchford 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Benjamin Blatchford was born in 1835 to William Blatchford and Mary (Gott) Blatchford of Massachusetts. He enlisted first in the 50th Massachusetts Infantry, a nine month’s regiment, where he served as first sergeant of company B. He later was commissioned as a lieutenant of company K in the 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery on October 9, 1863. His occupation was given as a seaman.

Duty at Fort Norfolk, and Fort Woodruff, Virginia

Photo of Benjamin Blatchford who served as a lieutenant in Company K, 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery.
Photo of Benjamin Blatchford who served as a lieutenant in Company K, 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery via Spared & Shared.

Benjamin Blatchford’s letters begin while the 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery was on guard duty at Fort Norfolk, Virginia. In a letter to his parents written on January 25, 1864, Benjamin Blatchford described the Union and Confederate prisoners they were guarding and the tough measures they used to maintain order.

“We are still at Fort Norfolk and the prospect is that we will stop here some time. This fort is very pleasantly situated on the Elizabeth River and by water, not much more than a rifle shot from the City of Norfolk, but by land I should think it is about 2 miles. I can go to the City every four days. All we have to do is guard prisoners and attend to the Company Drills. The last named takes up 4 hours per day—two hours in the forenoon and two in the afternoon. The rest of the time I have to myself except every fourth day when I have to go on as Officer of the Guard and see that the prisoners are well guarded. Yesterday they brought in a very smart-looking man. He is or was a surgeon in the rebel army. He was captured over the river.

I think we have about two hundred prisoners in the fort, most of them are rebels. The Union prisoners that are in there are all soldiers and they have [sentences] all the way from three months to twenty years to serve. They are a hard set of men but we get along with them first rate. We have had no trouble with the rebel prisoners at all and all [the trouble] we ever had is with the Union prisoners. But it did not last long as we are well-armed and ready to shoot a few for an example—and [when] they found we would do it, they have backed down and don’t cause any trouble now.”

On May 29, 1864, Benjamin Blatchford wrote from Fort Woodruff, Virginia and described a recent scare where the outnumbered Union forces awaited a rebel attack that never materialized.

“We have had very easy times at Fort Woodruff. Nearly all of the troops have been taken from the defenses of Norfolk. We have not over six hundred effective men to defend two forts and about one mile of breastworks. We are in a strong position and except they come in force, they can’t start us.

We had quite a scare here about ten days ago. The report was that the rebels were marching on this place and had been seen that afternoon so we formed the two companies and went into the fort—or at least the two companies with the exception of Lieut. Smith and myself and 30 men. We went into a redoubt about four hundred yards from the fort and manned three brass guns and stood ready to give them the contents of our guns as they came down the road. We stood by our guns until after 12 o’clock midnight and made up our minds that the rebs would not attempt to trouble us that night, so we placed a guard on the outposts and laid down. We lay under the guns while the companies in the fort lay on their arms.

After we had fairly got asleep, the rain fell in torrents and as we had no tents, we got a little damp, One shower would not hardly pass before another would rise and the remainder of the night was very dark except when lit up by sharp flashes of lightning which was followed by heavy rolls of thunder.

In the morning we went back to our camp and have not heard any report of rebs advancing since, and I hardly think we will again for they have all they can attend to at Richmond. We are very pleasantly situated here. I think the Officers and men have got better quarters than I ever saw or had since I have been in the army.”

Benjamin Blatchford transfers to the 3rd US Artillery

Though duty at Fort Woodruff was rarely taxing and in general quite safe, Benjamin Blatchford longed to serve the Union cause more directly on the front lines. On August 10, 1864, he wrote  to his brother-in-law, Henry Lowe, and revealed that he had applied for a transfer to the front and that it had recently been accepted.

“We have been expecting to be sent to the front but I have about given that up. I have got tired of doing nothing so I have made an application to be sent to the front and I receive an answer last Saturday—to hold myself in readiness to go at any time. I expect to take command of a section in a regular battery. They have sent for another section and if they get it, I am to have command. I have been trying to get to the front for some time but this is the first opportunity that has offered and I am sure of going if they get the section.”

Benjamin Blatchford also asked Henry to keep his transfer to the front a secret as he didn’t wish to worry his family.

“I don’t want you to let anyone know that I expect to go to the front because they might write home and Mother would hear of it and worry about it. I don’t want her to know until after I have been there some time.”

On August 22, 1864, Benjamin Blatchford wrote to his mother about his new assignment to the 3rd US Battery, but made no mention that the transfer had been at his own request.

“I have received a detail to report to the 3rd U. S. Battery which occupied a position on the line about five miles from Bermuda Hundred. This battery was in Mexico at the time of the Mexican War and was commanded by Ringgold; afterward Sherman. But it is now called Hamilton’s Battery. It is a battery that has seen a great deal of service and has a good name. I was detailed here because this battery is short of officers but how long I shall remain here is impossible to tell.

When I left Fort Woodruff my own company was short of officers and for that reason I think that they will make an application to have me sent back to my own regiment but I hope not for I think I shall like it here first rate and if I go back at all, I hope it won’t be until after Richmond is taken or we are ordered into winter quarters.

This battery is in position at the front behind the breastworks and is about 700 yards from the Rebel line. We can see the rebs anytime we look over the breastworks and could pick them off but we have little or no picket firing and both parties show themselves without fear of being shot at. I like it here first rate so far—much better that I did doing nothing at Fort Woodruff. We have not had any firing where this battery is stationed for two days and when they do fire, they don’t do any mischief.”

Benjamin Blatchford and the Second Battle of Fort Fisher

The Assault and Capture of Fort Fisher, January 19, 1865. Harper's Weekly, February 4, 1865. page 72.
The Assault and Capture of Fort Fisher, January 19, 1865. Harper’s Weekly, February 4, 1865. page 72, via Wikimedia Commons.

On February 16, 1865, Benjamin Blatchford wrote a letter to an unnamed friend and recounted his previous fourteen months in the military service beginning with the 2nd Massachusetts Heavy Artillery doing garrison duty at Fort Norfolk. He then described the various actions the 3rd US Artillery had been involved in, including some concluded less than a week previous. He wrote in the largest detail about the fighting to capture Fort Fisher.

“Accordingly I joined Battery E, 3rd U. S. Artillery as commander of a section, and have been with it in every march and every battle, and have not lost an hour’s duty since last July.

I was with the first expedition against Fort Fisher and was one of the number who returned to the Army of the James with a long face because we did not, nor could not, take Fort Fisher.

I was also with the 2nd Expedition against Fort Fisher. Was was unable to land our artillery the first day so I had a fine chance to witness the bombardment which was said to be the most terrific of anything of the kind on record. On the 2nd day we landed our artillery to assist in the land attack. A line of works was at once thrown up facing Wilmington, the right resting near the ocean and the left on the Cape Fear River. We knew the rebs had a strong force in our rear and knew that they intended to break our line when the assault was made on the fort. Accordingly our guns were placed in position on this line, our left—or the left of our battery, resting on the Cape Fear river.

We waited anxiously nearly all day for the rebs to come and give us a try. At length we found out they were forming to charge us. After they were formed, the commenced to advance but when they saw our artillery, they gave it up and went back. Deserters from the rebs say that they formed twice to charge us but gave it up. This battery is one that I have read about before I came to war. It was Ringgold’s Battery in the Mexican War; afterwards Sherman’s. And now Hamilton’s Battery. It is considered one of the best batteries in the United States.

Last Saturday we had a little fighting and advanced on line about two miles nearer Wilmington. The loss on the part of the line where I was was light—not over 75 killed and wounded. I think that we shall start again soon and not make much of a stop this side of Wilmington.”

Benjamin Blatchford mustered out in September 1865. He died on November 18, 1906 and was buried in Gloucester, Massachusetts.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Benjamin Blatchford’s letters and access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Elbert Corbin of the 1st New York Light Artillery and Albert Brown of the 16th Maine Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 58: Elbert Corbin 1st New York Light Artillery

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Elbert Corbin was born in 1835 to Justus Corbin and Amanda (Hibbard) Corbin of Liverpool, New York. He married Emily Marie Noyes in 1857 and they had two sons, Justus “Jutty” and Royal “Roy” Corbin. Elbert’s letters begin in August 1861, one month before he enlisted in Battery B of the 1st New York Light Artillery on September 16, 1861. He was mustered in on September 20.

Travel to Washington

Photo of Elbert Cobin of Battery B, 1st New York Light Artillery.
Photo of Elbert Cobin of Battery B, 1st New York Light Artillery via findagrave.com

The 1st New York Light Artillery left New York for Washington D.C. on October 31, 1861. However, the journey for Battery B was not an easy one and caused much resentment among the men because they were forced to travel in cattle cars rather than the passenger cars most of the regiment traveled in. In a letter written on November 1, 1861, Elbert Corbin recounted the journey to his wife.

“We being the Left Wing took the last cars, not having passenger cars enough we (our company) had 3 cattle cars. Capt. [John D.] Frank’s company [Battery G] had 1 cattle car (21 passenger cars and 4 cattle cars in the train, 2 engines, then our cannon, horses, and baggage in another train of 15 cars). At 3 o’clock we were ready and started for Williamsport, 80 miles, which we reached at 11 o’clock in the evening. There was but little of the car I was in left when we got to Williamsport—the boys tore it all to pieces they were so mad because they had to ride in such cars. It was better all open than half way. It was a cold night and we slept none. At 12½ midnight we left Williamsport for Harrisburg, stopped on the switches several times for trains to pass. About 1½ at night we stopped on a switch in the woods 2 hours. The 3 cars that our company was in we tore all to pieces and they built a fire of the boards to get warm by so when we left the woods, there was nothing but the platform and frames of the cars left. We had a grand fire. The Major and Colonel told us if we could get in the other cars to do so and set them (the 3) on fire and leave them in the track. But we could not so we had to stay in them.”

Battery B of the 1st New York Light Artillery remained part of the defenses of Washington through March, 1862. On February 1, 1862, Elbert Corbin shared that military life had lost some of its shine to him and he chafed especially at the authoritarian nature of it.

“I begin to see more of the hardships of the soldier’s life. Oh what mud. And it is rain, rain, all the time. Good night dearest. I have seen enough of military life to say this: that it is a perfect control over those under them all the way down to the non-commissioned and they have command over the privates. Tell them to do so and so, and it is must be done, and in the place where the army is the citizens are in fear of the soldiery and they do as they please. If a soldier gets into difficulty with a citizen and he cries soldiers! he has a regiment to back him. This I have seen in several instances wherefore I say that Military laws are perfect despotism in their nature. But goodnight. I am sick. God bless you and keep you, Again goodnight.”

On February 15, 1862, Elbert Corbin wrote about the ineffectiveness of the Confederate blockade of the Potomac River.

“Every night the guns on the [Confederate] blockade [of the Potomac River] is heard, but it is a Putty Blockade. There is a little gunboat here in Alexandria that runs it regular 4 times a week to and from Fortress Monroe and the Oyster fleet has run it, and every night the boats go by. They can’t hit anything. Better [to] save their powder. If I could not hit an Oyster Smack from their batteries, were I in their place, I would give up, load the gunners in the gun, and fire at the moon. They have not hit one boat and they fire at every one.”

1st New York Light Artillery at Yorktown

In April, 1862, Battery B of the 1st New York Light Artillery was part of the Siege of Yorktown, one of the major battles of the Peninsula Campaign. On April 19, 1862, Elbert Corbin wrote about a recent Confederate attempt to seize Union guns and a follow up attack on the Confederate position by Union forces.

“Night before last the Rebels came out as 12½ o’clock and made an attempt to take a gun of ours which they thought was unprotected but the Vermont 6th and 7th Regiment gave them all they wanted. They tried again at 3 but went back with a belly full—i. e., what went back. Some had all the lead they could carry. Some gave up and laid down, thought they would not go back at all. The Vermont Regiment were cut up—some very few killed. Today they were bringing in the wounded [and] sending them to Alexandria.

Wednesday eve there was much firing going on. Our guns got command of a fortification of 8 heavy guns and after some firing on both sides, two companies of the 5th Maine Regiment crossed the river, water up to their arm pits and took it at the point of the bayonet. The guns were spoked and some taken out but they could not hold it for other guns of their commanded the same. But it is of no use to them now. Out of the 190 men who took the fortification, only 26 returned unharmed. The rest were killed, wounded, & missing. There is sharp work going on now on the left for there is a constant firing kept up though it is raining hard at this time.”

The Peninsula Campaign continued through July, 1862.

Elbert Corbin at Gettysburg

Map of the Gettysburg battlefield included in a letter by Elbert Corwin written on July 6, 1863.
Map of the Gettysburg battlefield included in a letter by Elbert Corwin written on July 6, 1863.

Elbert Corbin’s final letter in the Research Arsenal collection was written on July 5, 1863 right after the battle of Gettysburg. The letter begins with a long list of men wounded in Battery B of the 1st New York Light Artillery, as well as the note that 89 horses were killed and 3 caissons smashed.

The next morning, Elbert Corbin continued his letter with more details. He temporarily assisted the surgeons which were overwhelmed by the number of casualties from the battle.

“After getting off Lt. [Albert S.] Shelden, I dressed our Boys wounds, then 15 or 20 of the Boys of other Batteries. Then I was sent to work assisting to cut out balls and dress the wounded Rebels and we now have any quantity of them and I shall have to help tomorrow. I can do up wounds from shot or shell or bullets quite like an M. D. I have had quite a discipline. I do it for that. I can see an arm or leg taken off and it has no more affect on my feelings than cutting so much beef. Dead men are plenty here and I saw plenty of them in all shapes on the field. [I] help[ed] to wound & kill men, then patch them up. I could show more suffering here in one second than you will see in a life[time] at home. It is strange how I have disciplined my feelings to see dying and suffering men and have no feelings—only a passing thought. I have some [illegible] that were cut out of men.”

Elbert Corbin also blamed the Captain in command of the battery, James McKay Rorty, for poorly positioning it on the field and leading it to take higher casualties.

“Such a 4th of July. Such a Sabbath I shall long remember and three day’s work here among the wounded & dying. But I have learned much. I must say a little why we suffered so much in this battle and I think if Capt. [Rufus D.] Pettit had been here instead of this fool of a [James McKay] Rorty, we should have lost far less. The first day [2 July] we (i.e. our Corps) was thrown in to fill a gap in our lines [the Plum Run Line] where the enemy were massing and here we suffered much. We were driven back about ¼ mile, took another position, and held until we had no support and were ordered out. The second day [3 July] the line of battle was the same shape, only farther back. The enemy had their artillery concealed much and then the position that our Capt. put us in was the worst we could have. Capt. Pettit would never have put us in such a place. I will mark out a little and show a little as to our position and the position Capt. [Pettit] would probably have taken had he been here. I cannot map out the whole but only where we were (the Center).”

Elbert Corbin mustered out at the expiration of his term of service on September 19, 1864. His wife, Emily, died in 1866 and he later married Sarah Letitia Noyes. He died in 1915 at the age of 79.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Elbert Corbin’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article check out some of our other featured collections like Albert Brown of the 16th Maine Infantry and John Clarkson Jay of the 71st New York National Guard.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 57: Albert Brown 16th Maine Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Albert Brown was born in 1843 to John Hanson Brown and Sarah Copeland (Haywood) Brown of Smyrne, Maine. On August 15, 1863 he was conscripted into Company C of the 16th Maine Infantry to serve a three-year term.

Albert Brown Gets Assigned to the 16th Maine Infantry.

Postwar photo of Albert Brown who served in the 16th Maine Infantry.
Postwar photo of Albert Brown who served in the 16th Maine Infantry via Spared & Shared.

As a drafted man, Albert Brown had no say in what regiment he would eventually be assigned to. In his first letter written to his aunt on September 25, 1863, Albert Brown revealed that he and the other drafted men had been sent to Long Island in Boston Harbor and that he and the other men from Maine had been assigned to the 16th Maine Infantry.

“This is a very pretty place where we are stationed now. Boston city is two or three miles off and all plain in sight.

A detachment of eight hundred left this island for the seat of war a few days before we came here and there were none here besides the guards when we came. Last evening we had an addition to our number of three hundred and fifty men from New Hampshire, That makes five hundred and fifty of us in all. We will be likely to leave when enough get in to make up eight hundred. Those from Maine are detailed for the Sixteenth Maine Regiment. We had no voice in the matter ourselves. The hundred dollars bounty were paid to us when we left Portland.

We have not drilled any yet to speak of. While we were in Portland, we did not drill at all and we only drilled a few times since we have been here. I have had enough to eat, drink, and wear so far. The most we have to do is to answer to our names three times a day at roll call. We live in canvas tents large enough to tent four comfortably. I am getting pretty well used to soldier’s life. I can sleep on the ground now as well as anywhere. I got a pretty bad cold while on Mackie’s Island and my throat was some sore but it has got well now.”

On October 10, 1863 Albert Brown wrote from a camp on the Rappahannock where he had finally joined up with the 16th Maine Infantry after a long journey.

“That night [Thursday] we went on board the boat for Alexandria, arrived at Alexandria Monday noon, stopped there over night, got our guns and tents, and the next morning took the cars for Culpeper. Got in there at one o’clock and then marched five miles to our regiment which is in a portion of Meade’s army.

We pitched our tents with the regiment and was getting along finely till yesterday noon when just as we finished dinner, the order came to strike our tents and be ready to march in one hour. We only marched half a mile to a new camping ground. We pitched our tents again, got them all fixed up in fine style by night, then turned in and went to sleep.

At just midnight, we were routed out and ordered to strike tents, pack knapsacks, and be ready to march in an hour. We got ready and started not knowing whether we were going to or from the enemy. It was very dark and we made very slow progress till daylight. We kept on till noon when we made a halt in a wood which they say is near the Rappahannock river. We stopped and rested a couple of hours when we got the order to pitch our tents on the spot and prepare to stop over night and here we are at present. I expect we will move again in the morning, but to what place or for what purpose I can’t say.”

The Battle of Laurel Hill

The 16th Maine Infantry stayed in their winter quarters until late April, 1864. On April 28, 1864, Albert Brown wrote that the regiment sent all their extra clothing to Washington in preparation for beginning active fighting again.

“We have sent all of our superfluous clothing to Washington. We are allowed to carry nothing only what is necessary to keep us comfortable. One pair of pants, a blouse, one change of under clothes, one pair of boots or shoes, a cap, rubber and woolen blanket, one piece of tent is. the outfit for summer. I have not sent my overcoat but shall when I get a chance. I suppose that I have got to see some fighting this summer. Can’t say that I am very anxious. Still if I have to go into a fight, I intend to do the best I can.”

On May 8, 1864, the 16th Maine Infantry fought at the Battle of Laurel Hill, which was part of a series of battles for control around Spotsylvania Court House. During the time of the conflict, Albert Brown wrote little of the fighting. He sent one message on May 17, 1864 stating he was still alive and would write more later.

“I am going to write a line but don’t know as I shall get a chance to send it. I am still alive and well, Have been in several engagements and escaped the bullets so far.

We are south of the Rapidan in the county of Spotsylvania in what is called the Wilderness and I think we are getting a little the best of the enemy, I will write again as soon as I can.”

It wasn’t until February 19, 1865 that Albert Brown wrote a full account of the engagement.

“The evening of the seventh of May we were in the Wilderness and drawed rations for three days. Most of the boys had heavy knapsacks. They were packed with clothing and valuables which they had managed to keep along with them so far for we had [not] been in any hard fights. About eight o’clock we started and marched all night “quick time.” I was tempted a number of times to throw my knapsack [away] but thought I would hang on to it as long as possible. The mud was about a foot deep and it was so dark we could hardly keep the road. A little after daylight we turned off into a piece of woods beside the road and halted.

We built some fires, got some water out of a swamp close by, and put on some coffee to cook. In about twenty minutes, “Fall in!” Away went the coffee and we had to eat our hard bread as we went along without it. We marched about a mile, passed a lot of cavalrymen huddled in the woods on both sides of the road who said, “Give to um, boys!” We drove them two miles and were still driving them when our ammunition gave out. We marched a little farther [when] the bullets began to whistle about our ears and the shells to burst over our heads and the solid shot to plough up the ground and cut off the trees all about us. Gen. [John C.] Robinson had command of our Division. He made us a short speech, told us he wanted us to take that battery, said it was an easy job [but he] was mightily mistaken.

We were drawn up in line and ordered to fix bayonets. A man was killed in our company a few feet from me by a piece of shell. Charge! and away we went through brier bushes, over fallen trees, and stumps, and through swamps and mud holes. Got out into the open field. Could see the battery in the other edge of the field. We had to go over a small hill. Got most on top of it and were ordered to halt and lie down. We laid flat on our faces and they couldn’t hit us but ploughed the ground awfully on lots of the hill. Forward men! and away we went again.

A few rods farther on I let my knapsack go. We got to where the battery was and it wasn’t there. On we went but couldn’t catch it. Finally we emerged from a piece of woods. The Reb breastworks were a few rods distant and the Rebs were behind them. Whew! What a volley of leaden hail. Couldn’t stand that. Every man for himself and every man started for the rear. I saw Gen. Robinson being helped from the field. He was wounded in the leg and had to lose it. We finally got together again, formed a line of battle, put up breastworks, and remained in the vicinity about a week, fighting and building breastworks alternately.”

16th Maine Infantry at Petersburg

1862 Image of the Field, Staff, and Line Officers of the 16th Maine Infantry.
1862 Image of the Field, Staff, and Line Officers of the 16th Maine Infantry via Maine Memory Network.

Beginning in June, 1864, the 16th Maine Infantry took up a position outside of Petersburg, Virginia. On July 22, 1864, Albert Brown wrote to his aunt about duty outside of Petersburg and the tentative and unofficial truce between Union and Confederate pickets.

“Well we are still lying in the same old spot as you see by the heading of this letter. We are kept pretty busy with working on forts and entrenchments, picketing and guarding, but it is not hard at all. I enjoy myself better and feel better too while at work than when lying still all of the time. I came out on picket last night and have got to stay forty-eight hours. We have nothing to do in the day time at all, In the night we have to keep awake and on the lookout one third of the time. The Reb pickets are a little farther from us than it is from where you live to the depot. As you see, we are in pretty close quarters to each other along our line. They have come to a sort of treaty not to fire at each other so we do not have to keep concealed at all. Our boys meet them half way and trade with them for tobacco and corn meal giving hard tack, sugar and coffee &c. in exchange.”

On August 3, 1864, Albert Brown again wrote, this time about the recent Battle of the Crater. He counted himself fortunate that the 16th Maine Infantry was out of the worst of the fighting, which occurred on the opposite flank.

“We have had quite an engagement in our vicinity since I wrote to you last. You will probably read all of the particulars of the fight before you get this letter. The principle fighting was along Burnsides front. Our corps joins his on the left. The enemy had become very impudent. As our folks did not take much notice of them, I suppose they had come to the conclusion that we had but a very small force here and they made it a practice to open upon us with shot and shell about five o’clock every night wherever they thought they could do the most mischief.

Our folks got everything all ready, undermined one of their forts about half a mile from here and carried in a bit of powder, stationed a large number of siege guns and mortars all along the line besides the light artillery already there. Everything was ready the night beforehand. Just at the break of day the next morning, the signal was fired and in an instant after the fort went up, then our batteries opened all along the line. I suppose the Rebs were somewhat surprised. Their batteries opened on us as soon as possible but were soon silenced and they have not fired a gun along our front since.

There was a great slaughter along Burnsides front on both sides. A great number of negroes were killed. They made a charge and were defeated. The 31st and 32nd Maine were also very much cut up. I think we were lucky in being in the Fifth Corps at that time.”

Albert Brown served in the 16th Maine Infantry through the end of the war. Most of the regiment mustered out on June 5, 1865 but the recruits taken on were briefly transferred to the 20th Maine Infantry before being mustered out on July 16, 1865. After the war he married first Lorena Hawkes (1844-1886) and later Almena W. Knight. He died in 1922. The Albert Church Brown Memorial Library in China, Maine is named after him and is housed in the old family home that was given to them by Almena (Knight) Brown.

We’d live to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Albert Brown’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like John Clarkson Jay of the 71st New York National Guard and Charles Brayton of the 3rd Massachusetts Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 56: John Clarkson Jay 71st New York National Guard

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

John Clarkson Jay came from a family steeped in American history. His great-grandfather, John Jay, was one of the founding fathers of America, served as a delegate to the first and second continental congress, and was one of the three authors of the Federalist Papers alongside James Madison and Alexander Hamilton. He was also the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

In 1862, John Clarkson Jay volunteered to serve in the 71st New York National Guard Infantry, a three months unit that served near Washington D.C. John Clarkson Jay was born in 1844 and was just under 18 at this time of service. His parents were John Jay, a noted physician and Laura (Prime) Jay.

Camp and Drilling and Tenleytown

Daguerreotype of Laura (Prime) Jay and Laura Jay, the mother and sister of John Clarkson Jay.
Daguerreotype of Laura (Prime) Jay and Laura Jay, the mother and sister of John Clarkson Jay via Jay Heritage Center.

John Clarkson Jay’s letters begin in June, 1862 after the regiment had arrived at camp near Tenleytown but had not yet been formally mustered in. His letters give a clear portrait of camp life. John Clarkson Jay’s first letter was written June 2, 1862, shortly after his arrival at camp and described his journey there.

“After staying two days in the halls of the Capitol, we received orders this morning to march for this place, 8 miles distant from the Capitol, about 3 miles north of Georgetown, and 3 or 4 miles from the Potomac. It is not across the Potomac. They could not have picked out a hotter day. Several of our men gave out on the march & were picked up by the baggage wagons. We had of knapsacks & all our equipments on, which weight a great deal. I stood it. We rested three times on our way here. I did not take my knapsack off from the time we left the Capitol until we arrived at the camp. In all, we marched ten miles as we went two miles out of our way. We had nothing to eat from breakfast at six o’clock a.m. until half past 4 this afternoon.

After we arrived here & had chosen a field, we had to put up our tents which took a great while. We have Sibley’s tents — 12 or 13 men to a tent. They gave us a ration this afternoon at about 5 o’clock. I never relished anything more. Talk about coffee without milk.”

John Clarkson Jay’s biggest complaint was the lack of adequate access to bathing.

“The only thing about this camp which is objectionable is that there is no place for bathing. We are getting but nary good springs. Very much burnt on our necks & faces.”

In his next letter  written on June 6, 1862, John Clarkson Jay gave an overview of the conditions of the camp, where the constant rain had caused numerous problems, as well as summary of their typical activities.

“We have had very wet weather since we have gone into camp. Nothing but continued rain. Insides of tents are all mud. We have no boards or anything to lay on but our blankets and knapsacks. We have no overcoats.

I have been on guard duty. Tour turn comes around once in ten or twelve days. You are on duty 24 hours. There are three reliefs. You are on guard two hours & then lay in guard tent for 6 hours, then two hours on guard & then 4 hours in guard tent & so on. I went on guard duty Wednesday evening at 8 o’clock a.m. I was put on the second relief so I was posted at 10 o’clock a.m. & remained on my post until twelve, raining hard all the time. Was relieved at 12 o’clock & rested four hours. Went on at 4 p.m., stayed on two hours, & then rested 4. Went on again at ten p.m. & stayed on until midnight, raining all the time. Then went back to guard tent & spent 4 hours with 30 men in it with no place to lay down & went on duty again at 4 o’clock a.m. until 6 a.m. & went back to my tent at 8 o’clock Thursday morning. It would not be so bad if it had not rained. But it rained steady all the time. I was soaked & had had no sleep. However, I slept well last night & am very well today.”

Camp Near Fort Gaines

Officers of the 55th New York Infantry manning a gun at Fort Gaines.
Officers of the 55th New York Infantry manning a gun at Fort Gaines.

By June 10, 1862 the 71st New York National Guard were camped in front of Fort Gaines near Tenleytown. John Clarkson Jay wrote home to his mother with a description of the fort.

“The fort alongside of us is not a very large affair. It mounts four 32-pounders. It is an earthwork. It commands a very excellent position. The garrison consists of two companies of the 59th New York. They practice the guns every morning & fire over our heads. They do not fire balls, however. But before we came they practiced with balls at targets. Our camp, or the spot on which we are encamped was the winter quarters of the 55th New York (The French Regiment).

I am writing on my cartridge box & sitting on my knapsack while the rest in the tent are firing things at each for something to pass time.”

While in front of the fort, guard duty continued and John Clarkson Jay mentioned that there were fears about secessionists in the area sending signals to Confederate forces and spies.

“While engaged in battalion drill this evening, Secretary [Edward] Stanton drove up & had a long interview with our colonel. We know not what was the subject of their conversation.

The secessionists around here display signals at night from their houses & some of us will probably be detailed to guard their houses. Our colonel praised us on drill this evening on our proficiency.”

John Clarkson Jay Battles Vaccinations and Age Requirements

On June 12, 1862, John Clarkson Jay wrote home with potentially bad news about his service. The regiment was getting closer to mustering in but would require everyone under 21 to have permission from their parents. As John Clarkson Jay was only 17 at the time, he worried that even permission might not be enough for him to be allowed to stay.

“The regiment will probably be mustered into the U.S. service in two weeks or sooner. The orders to make out the muster rolls have arrived. Every member under 21 years of age must have a written permission from his parents. I should like to have one sent. I am afraid, however, that they will refuse to muster me in as I am under eighteen. They say they will not take any under that age.”

At the same time, additional trouble in the regiment was brewing. In the same letter Jay described desertion becoming a problem in the regiment.

“There is some dissatisfaction, I am sorry to say, in the regiment. A great many will refuse to swear in. Some 20 or 30 have already deserted — only one, however, from our company.”

John Clarkson Jay himself was worried about the prospects of the company if their captain left.

“We are very much afraid our captain will leave us. He has a government situation in New York & if he is absent much longer, he will lose it. If he goes, this company will be the same as done for. I will not serve under every man. Our first lieutenant is not good for anything. He has no presence of mind — Eugene Thom is his name from 11th Street. If our captain resigns & we are sworn in, the government has a right to appoint any man they like to take his command.”

On June 19, 1862, John Clarkson Jay wrote about another worry he faced: vaccination.

“Everyone in this company was marched up to the surgeon today to see if they ought to be vaccinated. He said I must. I thought you would prefer that I should be vaccinated with vaccine matter from a respectable source. I asked the surgeon if I might send home for the article. He said certainly. I wish you would send me some immediately on the receipt of this letter.”

On June 25, John Clarkson Jay was still waiting to be sworn in and still refusing vaccination.

“Our Colonel is in New York at present on business connected with the regiment. It is just a month since we left New York. When the Colonel comes back, which he will do in two or three days, the regiment will probably be sworn in. He said that he did not think I could get in on account of my age. I have not yet been vaccinated because I believe they had no right to do it until we are sworn in.”

Interestingly, despite John Clarkson Jay’s letters indicating the regiment wasn’t mustered in even by the end of June, the official records indicate that they mustered in on May 12, 1862 and mustered out on September 2, 1862. The regiment spend its whole length of service manning the defenses at Washington.

Later in the war, John Clarkson Jay served as a surgeon in New Orleans. He married Harriet Vinton, the daughter of General David Hammond Vinton. His 1923 obituary in the New York Times  states that he was one of the founders of the New York Free Dispensary for Sick Children and that he translated medical works from German and French into English.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of John Clarkson Jay’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign out for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Charles Brayton of the 3rd Massachusetts Infantry and Charles Hobbs of the 13th New Hampshire Infantry.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 55: Charles Brayton 3rd Massachusetts Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Brayton was born in 1843 to Shubael F. Brayton and Mary M. (Bunker) Brayton of New Bedford, Massachusetts. Before the war, Charles Brayton worked in an apothecary. He served in Company E of the 3rd Massachusetts Infantry when it was organized for 9 months duty in September, 1862.

Thanksgiving in North Carolina

Charles Brayton wrote his first letter in our collection on November 30, 1862 from Camp Richmond near New Bern, North Carolina. He had just finished regimental inspection, which he was not fond of.

“We have just come in from Regimental Inspection by the Colonel. It takes about 2 hours to go through the routine, musket, knapsack, haversack, and canteen. It is the only thing I dislike in the military life for I only have Sunday to clean up for I am busy the rest of the week.”

Further in the same letter, Charles Brayton went on to describe how the regiment celebrated Thanksgiving, which included some of the officers and men exchanging roles as well as a large feast.

“We had a splendid dinner Thanksgiving. We had 6 turkeys, 6 geese, 5 chickens which cost us $20 and a beautiful stew we had. It tasted as good as any I ever had to home. Anyhow, I had 3 plates full. You may laugh because they made a stew out of them. It was the only way we could cook it conveniently. I suppose you was thinking that we had nothing but hard bread and meat. Thanksgiving is made a holiday in the army—at least Major Gen. Foster gave the orders for services in the morning and pleasure in the afternoon so we had no drills during the day. At the close of the afternoon we had a mock Dress Parade. The sergeant major acted as colonel. The quartermaster sergeant as lieut.-colonel. and sergeants as captains and lieutenants in our company. E____ ___ was captain. Jim ___son was lieutenant. The officers was spectators and said that we done better than on the regular Dress Parade. In the evening we went and serenaded the captain [John A. Hawes] and he called us in and treated to apples. We generally have taps at 8 o’clock but being a holiday, [ ] the next camp to us the 44th Massachusetts. There was one company that raised $100 for a dinner. As a general thing, the whole regiment had a great dinner. Tables spread and invited their officers in to dine with them. In the evening they had a dance and kept it up till 12 o’clock. Our Colonel, Lieut.-Colonel, and Major had an invitation over. I had as good a time Thanksgiving as I ever had to home.”

3rd Massachusetts Infantry at New Bern

Lithograph of New Bern, North Carolina from 1864.
Lithograph of New Bern, North Carolina from 1864 via Wikimedia Commons.

By December 7, 1862, duty in North Carolina was becoming routine for Charles Brayton. The monotony of the duty also made it more difficult to write home with anything new to report. As before, inspections proved to be the most irksome duty for Brayton.

“Every Sunday morning we have to go on inspection which is 10 o’clock and lasts about an hour. After that there is nothing to do till Dress Parade which is at ½ past 4. You say that I ought to write a little every day but if you was here you would think different for we drill about 5 hours a day and what little time there is we take to clean our muskets. Those we have to keep as clean as a pin for if the Capt. should find any dirt, we would be sent to our quarters to clean them but if I am in guard or picket, I may get a few moments to write a few lines. And another thing, there is not much news out here. The 3-year boys say that they don’t write so much as they did when they first came out for the very reason that there is no news of importance out here.”

During this time Charles Brayton was assisting the hospital steward because of his experience as an apothecary before the war. In April of 1863, Charles Brayton found himself rushing back to camp after hearing that the 3rd Massachusetts Infantry was about to move out on an expedition.

“…As quick as we got to camp, everything was in confusion for we were to start in an hour with 3 days rations.

Dr. [Alfred A.] Stocker and Hospital Steward got ready and left for Dr. [Woodbridge R.] Howes and the “Apothecary” to look after those left behind. The regiment started at 5 o’clock for Foster’s Wharf to board transports but when they got there, they had to wait ¾ hour (military necessity) for the transports were not ready just then. A “Dispatch Boat” arrived from Gen. Foster at Little Washington, so the regiment had orders to return to their camp where the “Boys” arrived at ½ past 6, much pleased with their Expedition. Today the regiment is under marching orders to be ready to move at a moment’s warning with 3 days rations cooked and 7 uncooked, but at the same time we may not start at all. If the regiment does go, it is doubtful whether I go or not for Dr. Stocker generally goes, and Dr. Howes stays behind, and when Dr. Howes is left behind, I stay too.”

Charles Brayton also noted that the news of the expedition also led to a large increase in the number of men coming to the hospital claiming to be sick.

“Every regiment in Newbern is under marching orders. I had considerable “Business” this morning at morning call. We had 90 cases, and I tell you I had to “fly around some.” If I had as many prescriptions to put up to home, I should be doing a ‘big business.’ Yesterday we had only 30 cases so you can see what the idea of an Expedition will do. If I was some of them, I would be ashamed of myself. There is one thing I can say—that I never missed a day’s duty while I was with the company.”

Charles Brayton Develops Rheumatism

Photo of Charles Brayton taken sometime after his promotion to sergeant while serving in the 15th Massachusetts Infantry.
Photo of Charles Brayton taken sometime after his promotion to sergeant while serving in the 15th Massachusetts Infantry via Spared & Shared.

On May 3, 1863, Charles Brayton revealed that his rheumatism, which appears to have been a longstanding issue, developed to a point where it became difficult to do his duty as an apothecary.

“Well my rheumatism has got out of my legs into my feet, and there it has stopped. For how long, I can’t tell you. My feet and ankles are so swelled that I can’t wear my boots so I am wearing the carpet slippers that Phebe gave me. I don’t know what I should do without them.

My feet don’t ache only when I walk so Dr. [Woodbridge R.] Howes has stopped me from attending the morning call and makes me lounge on the bed. Says if I walk on them, it irritate them so he wants me to keep as still as I can, and he thinks I shall soon get over it which I hope I shall. I have lost 10# of flesh, but Dr. Howes says I will gain it again as soon as I get rid of the rheumatism.”

Charles Brayton also suspected that there would be a pause in military activity as the summer heat made it very difficult for either side to accomplish much.

“I don’t think that we will go on another Expedition—our time is so near out—and besides, they are placing the 3 years troops in summer quarters. Some are up to Little Washington; others are guarding the railroad from Newbern to Morehead City, and that looks as if there were not much to be done till next fall, for the Rebels can’t march in hot weather any better than we can.”

In a letter written a few days later on May 6, 1863, Charles Brayton revealed that the temperatures had climbed very high even in the shade.

“The weather with us is very warm so that yesterday down in the city the thermometer was 105 in the shade. It is so hot that we have drill from 7 to 8½ in the morning and from 4 to 5½ in the afternoon. So you see they have to take the cool of the day to drill in.”

The 3rd Massachusetts Infantry mustered out in June, 1863. Charles Brayton went on to serve in the 15th Massachusetts Infantry where he was promoted to sergeant and mustered out in June, 1865. He died in 1916.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Charles Brayton’s letters as well as access thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Charles Hobbs of the 13th New Hampshire Infantry and Gustavus Gould of the 17th Vermont Infantry.

 

Research Arsenal Spotlight 54: Charles Hobbs 13th New Hampshire Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Charles Hobbs was born in 1844 to Moody Hobbs and Elizabeth P. (Spofford) Hobbs of Pelham, New Hampshire. Moody Hobbs served as a state senator in New Hampshire in 1863. Charles Hobbs enlisted on August 18, 1862 and was mustered in as a corporal on September 20, 1862.

Charles Hobbs Enlists and Gets Sent to the Hospital

Image of Camp Carver with Columbian College in background. During the war Columbian College served as a hospital and Charles Hobbs wrote several letters while there.
Image of Camp Carver with Columbian College in background. During the war Columbian College served as a hospital and Charles Hobbs wrote several letters while there.

The first letter in our Research Arsenal collection was written by Charles Hobbs on October 12, 1862 from Camp Chase, Virginia. He wrote to a friend named Louisa Richardson and recounted his travel from New Hampshire to Virginia.

“Here we are encamped on the sacred soil of ‘Old Virginia’ and are enjoying ourselves as well as can be expected in such a miserable place. We had a splendid time coming on till we left Philadelphia and from there we didn’t have so splendid a time. Our ride from Norwich to Jersey City on the steamboat was splendid but some of the rides in the freight cars rather annihilated the pleasant feelings about the boat ride. We took the steamboat the first night after leaving Nashua and got to Philadelphia the second night and had a splendid time there and got to Washington the third night and had a splendid time there sleeping on the ground among the hogs — or not exactly among, but they were all round us. Slept as sound there, however, as I ever did at home.”

Charles Hobbs’ second letter was wasn’t written until April 15, 1863, and by that time he was away from his regiment and at Columbian Hospital in Washington, D.C., recovering from long term sickness. He described his eagerness to return to duty and noted that his ward was overseen by a woman nurse named Miss Snow.

“I hear that my name is put down to do duty round the Hospital as he thinks I ain’t able to go to the field. Well, I guess he is right there, but he won’t keep me a great while after I am able. I am tired of staying in a hospital.

We enjoy ourselves here pretty well but there isn’t the excitement that there is with a regiment in the field. I thought before I came here that almost any place was better that the regiment, but I have changed my mind. The nurse on this ward is a nice, lively woman — always having some fun going on and the boys are all such lively fellows and we have some good times.”

Later in the same letter Charles Hobbs lamented the indifference to death that permeated the hospital.

“There has three men died this ward since I came here — one of them from my regiment, and one from it in the next ward. He belonged to my company. There is enough to do here but I don’t like to do it.

There is no more notice taken after men’s dying here than there is a killing a fly at home or not much more at any rate.”

On June 5, 1863, Charles Hobbs wrote again from the hospital where he hoped to rejoin the 13th New Hampshire Infantry soon.

“I wish about 40 times a day that I was with the regiment but I can’t go as I know of. I am in hopes to get a chance to go. I don’t like the name of staying around the hospital when I am well and I am pretty well now. I tried to get the doctor to let me go a few days ago but he said he couldn’t.”

Despite Charles Hobbs hoping to leave the hospital soon, he was still there at the end of July. On July 20, he wrote to Louisa about the way the men in the hospital had celebrated the Fourth of July.

“The 4th passed off here very well. We had speeches, singing &c. in the day and fireworks in the evening. The soldiers not contented with the fireworks they had been through amused themselves by firing rockets and other kinds of fireworks at each other and on the whole we had quite a lively time.”

Conscripts and Substitutes join the 13th New Hampshire Infantry

It wasn’t until September 15, 1863 that Charles Hobbs sent his first letter to Louisa from his regiment. While he was happy to have finally been discharged from the hospital, duty with the regiment proved to be quite arduous.

“I will write a few lines to you to let you know that I am still alive and you will see by this that I have arrived at the haven of my hopes — that is the regiment. Well I am with it and I am glad of it. It seems almost like getting home only not half so good.

I got a letter from you about a year ago, I should think it was. At any rate, it was just before I left the hospital and I have not had a chance to be where I could write to you and stand any kind of a chance to get an answer. I have been through Washington Convalescent and Distribution Camp, from there to Alexandria, then down the Potomac to Point Lookout where we left some of our boatload, thence down the Chesapeake Bay to Fortress Monroe where we went over to Norfolk, by the wreck of the Merrimac and the Rebel Battery at Craney Island that so much was said about at the beginning of the war.

Crossed over to Portsmouth that night and stopped there till the next forenoon when I came up to the regiment which is about 3 miles from Portsmouth and have been pretty hard at work shoveling and shopping since then. We are busy building roads, fortifications, and felling the trees to get a good range for the cannon when the Rebels come.

We have to work like dogs all the time and live worse still.”

On October 8, 1863, Charles Hobbs wrote about the arrival of the first conscripts and substitutes to the regiment. Many of them tried to desert almost immediately.

“Conscripts or substitutes came to the Regiment last Sunday and it took all the old men that were here to keep them in camp that night. Quite a number of them have deserted already and some of them are under arrest an in the guardhouse now. One fellow, they say, has enlisted 6 times and has about $2,000 with him that he has got as different bounties. He says he don’t want to enlist but once more. Well I don’t want to enlist but once more and I think I shan’t enlist for more than 2 more — 3 years in the service.

I should kind of like to enlist in the Home Guards. That is about as good an organization for soldiering as these. It is good fun to be a soldier and board and lodge at home but it ain’t quite as pleasant here. Still I can stand it good if I am only well. But if a fellow feels a little sick, he thinks of home — or at any rate, I do.”

Substitutes in particular put the discipline of the regiment to the test. Charles Hobbs described the harsh punishments used against them in a letter written on October 21, 1863.

“We are having great times with our “Subs.” They get drunk and get to fighting or some such “deviltry” every day and then they take 4 or 5 of them everyday and fasten logs of wood to their legs and they have to drag them till they get tired out. Yesterday they had one fellow with a barrel on for a coat and a log tied to each leg and he had to travel from 9 in the morning till 5 in the afternoon and if he hadn’t been mightily tough it would have killed him. Most of them are so tough that they can’t be killed. We had before they came a steady, quiet regiment, but now we have got anything but that. There was some of the worst men I ever saw amongst them and a very few good men.”

Fighting at Drewry’s Bluff

Confederate Defenses at Fort Darling, Drewry’s Bluff, Virginia.
Confederate Defenses at Fort Darling, Drewry’s Bluff, Virginia.

On April 18, 1864, Charles Hobbs wrote about a raid the 13th New Hampshire Infantry participated in.

“In my last I said I was going to write to you as soon as I got the regiment and now I begin this. I got here a week ago tonight and the next night we started out on a raid and were gone till Friday. We marched like fury all the time we were gone and by the time we got back, we were a sore set of boys.

Had quite a time coming on here. Got among a pack of thieves and cutthroats and lost some of my things and was some afraid of losing my life for awhile.”

On May 18, 1864, Charles Hobbs wrote a long description of the recent battle near Drewry’s Bluff as part of General Benjamin Butler’s campaign.

“It was a week ago today (that was last Monday) that we had a pretty hard fight with the Rebs and our brigade gave them a good thrashing but they drove our men on the right of us and we had to fall back. They charged on us 3 or 4 times 4 columns deep but we gave them such a fire that they had to fall back. Our company took 13 prisoners that day.

The Saturday before we were out skirmishing (our company) and had quite a lively time with the Reb sharpshooters. They pelted us hard as we crossed an open field but we were none of us hit. Then we came to some woods and then according to skirmish rules, each man took a tree or stump and watched for them. It is rather exciting business to stand behind a tree, look out to see a reb, and have a bullet plunk into the tree in front. But then it would be our turn to him a crack while he was loading. We were in plain sight of the rebel fort near Drury’s Bluff and when we were skirmishing, were within rifle shot of it.

We have had quite a turn at fighting for the last 2 weeks and I must say I want to see no more of it. We have been under fire 8 days and only lost some 60 men in the regiment. You may want to know who we are under so I will tell. We are in Burnham’s Brigade, Brooks’ Division, Smith’s Corps (the 18th) under Butler.

Enough of war. I wish there was no such thing known. All I want is to get home in safety. Then if I go to war again, I shall do so with the expectation of getting shot. Charlie Philbrick (Lucy’s brother) of the 3d had an arm shot off in one of our fights. We have lost none of our company.”

In the fall of 1864 Charles Hobbs took sick with malaria and once again found himself hospitalized. He remained in various hospitals until his discharge on July 5, 1865. In 1870 he married Sarah Abbie Jane Sleeper. He died on April 21, 1924.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Charles Hobbs’ letters sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other featured collections like Gustavus Gould of the 17th Vermont Infantry and Theodore Vaill of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery.

Research Arsenal Spotlight 53: Gustavus Gould 17th Vermont Infantry

Posted on by Gloria Wickman

Gustavus Gould was born in 1843 to Joseph Gould and Lucinda (Sanders) Gould of Montpelier, Vermont. He enlisted in Company E of the 17th Vermont Infantry on February 24, 1864. The regiment finished organizing in late April, 1864 and was assigned to the 9th Corps of the Army of the Potomac.

Gustavus Gould Arrested as a Deserter

Post War photograph of Gustavus Gould who served in the 17th Vermont Infantry.
Post War photograph of Gustavus Gould who served in the 17th Vermont Infantry via Spared & Shared.

Gustavus Gould’s letters in our Research Arsenal collection begin on a serious note. On December 18, 1864 Gustavus Gould wrote home to his father from the Guard House at City Point, Virginia.

“I take this opportunity to write a few lines to you to let you know where I am. I am here in the guard house. They have sent me here as a deserter. I don’t see how they can make out desertion against me for you know that I was arrested before my furlough was out and was right there at home.”

While there aren’t any more details about how he ended up being arrested for desertion while on furlough, evidently he was able to clear things up relatively quickly because his next letter was written from Fort Davis, Virginia, in January, 1865, where he had returned to his regiment. After writing about small occurrences to his brother, Jerome, Gustavus Gould then addressed his parents.

“I suppose you and father have worried yourselves a great deal about me and I don’t wonder at it for I had a hard road to travel but never mind that. Trouble is all over with now so I hope you won’t worry anymore for I am alright now and I shall come home again sometime. Perhaps the time will not be long before I shall be there.”

The 17th Vermont Infantry at Petersburg

On February 12, 1865, Gustavus Gould wrote home to inform everyone that the 17th Vermont Infantry had moved to Petersburg, Virginia. By this time the siege of Petersburg had been ongoing since June, 1864. At least initially, Gustavus Gould found their duty there preferable to that at Fort Davis.

“We moved here yesterday morning. We have moved about two miles to the left of where we was. The order came about 1 o’clock that night for us to pack up and be ready to march at any moment. We got ready and started about 3 o’clock in the morning. We moved in the night so as to conceal it from the Rebs. The whole Army of the Potomac is on the move now. We found very good quarters here. They are good log huts. We was busy all day yesterday repairing them, Four of us tent together—Frank Taylor and two other fellows tent with me. This is a good place but I don’t know as we shall stay here long. Our duty is not near so hard as it was in the fort.”

A few days later on February 23, 1865, Gustavus Gould wrote again and mentioned the ongoing cannonading going on between Union and Confederate forces.

“They say that Charleston is taken with a heavy loss on the Reb’s side. They talk up peace pretty strong out here but I think there will be a hard campaign this summer than ever was fought. They are a fighting now on both sides of us—to the right and left we hear heavy cannonading most every day.”

The 17th Vermont Infantry continued to do duty outside of Petersburg but on March 2, 1865, Gustavus Gould had an unwelcome surprise with his pay. He wrote to his family:

“The Rebs are deserting very fast now-a-day. I see squads of them that come in most every day. They desert from the picket line. 48 came in the other morning. They says they can’t stand it much longer.

We was paid yesterday here but I did not get a damned cent. I have got money enough. The boys was owing me enough so I can get along first rate as far as that is concerned but that ain’t the thing of it. The regiment was paid four months pay—that would be 64 dollars. They stopped 30 dollars of my pay on the payrolls. I was sent here as a deserter [and] my pay was stopped while I was under arrest so of course they was only two months pay earning to me. The Adjutant told me that he would fix it so I should get the other 2 months pay next time we was paid but they will stop 30 dollars for charges of arrest. I don’t care a damn about that but that provost marshal will catch hell sometime if I live.”

As the fighting continued, desertion was a problem on both sides as Gustavus Gould revealed in a letter written on March 9, 1865.

“Four men deserted from our regiment this week. The Rebs are deserting over here fast. Frank Hoget and Wilder have got here.”

On March 13, 1865 Gustavus Gould wrote about an accident that occurred in his regiment and claimed the life of one man.

“We had a hard accident happen here in our regiment last night. When we went out on dress parade, one of the boys took his gun—as he supposed—but he made a mistake and took another man’s gun that was loaded. When the dress parade was over, we came back to our company streets as usual [when] this fellow commenced fooling with his gun. He put a cap on his gun and aimed it at this fellow’s head and fired. The ball struck him on the top of his head and came out on the back part of his head. He fell instantly and did not live but a few moments. The fellow that done it will be court-martialed and severely punished for it and perhaps fined.”

Return to City Point and Discharge

City Point Docks.
City Point Docks via Wikimedia Commons.

On April 23, 1865 Gustavus Gould wrote to his father after an arduous march from Petersburg back to City Point, Virginia. Despite his tiredness, he was excited by the prospect of soon being discharged.

“Well we have had a pretty hard march. We started from Burksville last Thursday morning about daylight, marched from daylight till dark everyday. Today is Sunday. We marched about 80 miles in 4 days. We got here about 3 o’clock today. We have camped here for the night. I expect we shall take the boat and go to Washington. That is the report. It is getting dark and I must close till morning.

April 24th—I will try and finish my letter this morning. I am well and feel first rate this morning. after the march I was pretty tired. Last night the order has come for us to take the transport at 2 o’clock today and go to Washington. The whole Corps is a going there. When we get there, I don’t know what will be done. A good many think we are a going home on discharged furloughs and some think we go South to Texas or some other place but none of us know where we shall go. I don’t think it would be strange if we should come home but I shan’t be disappointed. Let them go where they will.”

Gustavus Gould’s final letter was written from Alexandria, Virginia on April 29, 1865.

“We arrived here yesterday. We had a very good time on the boat coming from City Point here. We was two nights and one day on the boat.

I received your letters of the 21st and 23rd yesterday. We are getting good news here today. If it is true, I shall be at home before long. The paper states that the army is to be discharged as soon as possible. The 1st Division of the 9th Corps is at Washington and they are mustering them out as fast as possible. The 2nd Division comes next—that is ours. I need not write anymore about it for you will see it in the papers. We don’t have anything to do here except to eat and keep ourselves clean. I think we shall be mustered out before long. I think I shall be at home to go to the 4th of July at any rate.

We was mustered today for pay. They have made a hell of a mistake about my pay and if they don’t find out, I shall come out pretty well. I saw the pay rolls and they hadn’t got anything charged to me excepting what I was paid at Burlington. There is $240 dollars due me on the pay rolls bounty which ought to be 160. They hadn’t got any monthly pay charged to me. If they don’t find it out, I shall get a pretty good haul. I am acquitted of desertion and 32 dollars stopped to pay expenses of arrest.”

Gustavus Gould and the rest of the 17th Virginia Infantry musted out on July 14, 1865. He married Mary H. Adams after the war and lived in Montpelier, Virginia. He died in 1910.

We’d like to give a special thanks to William Griffing of Spared & Shared for his work in transcribing and sharing these letters.

To read more of Gustavus Gould’s letters as well as thousands of other Civil War letters and documents, sign up for a Research Arsenal membership.

If you enjoyed this article, check out some of our other highlighted collections like Theodore Vaill of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery, and Henry Chandler Smith of the 1st New York Mounted Rifles.

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